Society-CHUKCHEE In the extreme northeastern reaches of Siberia, partly within the Arctic Circle, lie the lands inhabited by the Chukchee, or Luoravetlan, as they are sometimes called by the Russians. Most of the Chukchee are concentrated in the Chukchi National Okrug of Magadanskaya Oblast, although a few reside in the Yakut ASSR or the Koryak National Okrug. Over the past few decades, the Chukchee have been settled and organized by the government of the Soviet Union. Census figures indicate that the group has maintained a level of about 12,000 persons throughout the twentieth century (Bogoraz-Tan 1904:32; Antropova and Kuznetsova 1964: 800; Keefe et al. 1971: 172). This may represent a decline from earlier times, but there are no reliable population data from earlier periods. The Chukchee region is marked by an extremely harsh climate, the yearly average temperature being -12 degrees C. The winters are long and snowy. Snow and ice melt in the short summer season, when the temperature average 10 degrees C. There are environmental variations throughout the region, but in general the area is mainly tundra, which gives way to northern forest in the more inland reaches. How the Chukchee came to this area and their relationships to other people in northeastern Siberia as well as the northwestern part of North America are matters on which more research needs to be done. The Chukchee language, by which the group is defined, is part of the larger Chuckchee-Kamchatkan family the Paleosiberian language group. This larger language group is phyletically grouped with the American Arctic languages, such as Eskimoan and Aleutian (Raun et al. 1965: 125-134). Physically and culturally, the Chukchee share affinites with the Koryak, Eskimo, and other neighboring groups. In short, the question of Chukchee origins is linked not only to the study of population movements into Siberia but also with the question of population movements across the Bering Straits. Until their recent reorganization by the government, the Chukchee were divided into two groups, based on their adaptive strategies. The most numerous were the Reindeer Chukchee, who spent the year moving about the tundra with their herds. The other group, the Maritime Chukchee, lived in more permanent base camps along the coast and depended primarily on hunting sea mammals (walrus, whale, and seals) for their subsistence. Both groups supplemented their subsistence with collecting wild plants and berries, land mammal hunting, fowling, and fishing. These differing adaptive modes were marked by a number of differences in cultural traits and social behavior. The annual round, diet, and technical inventory of the groups of course differed. The nomadic herders used reindeer products to make tools, clothing, tents, sleds, and so on. Reindeer were their dietary staple and served as traction animals. The Maritime people used sea mammal products for diet and items of material culture, and they traveled by dogsled or boat. Trade between the two groups assured the tundra travelers of coastal products, such as blubber for food and fuel, and assured the coastal people of useful reindeer products. Contrary to earlier statements, recent linguistic studies indicate that there were also dialect differences between these two groups (Raun et al. 1965: 133). Nevertheless, they were not mutually exclusive groups. There was some flow of people between the groups, either through marriage or migration, and there were some Chukchee camps so located that their members practiced a mixed strategy of reindeer herding and coastal exploitation. Chukchee camps were composed of both related and unrelated families, each with its own tent. (It might also be noted here that Maritime Chukchee had semisubterranean sod houses in precontact times.) Among the Reindeer nomads, 2 to 10 tents were found in a base camp, and the base camp was moved frequently. The Maritime group, with their more localized subsistence economy, had somewhat larger base camps of from 2 to 20 tents, to which they returned from occasional season wanderings. Camps were fluid, and there was considerable movement of people from one camp group to another. Neighboring camps engaged in visiting, and on occasion aided each other. Despite the tendency for camp groups to exploit the same territory from year to year, there were no formal territorial rights held by the group or by individuals. Neither group had formal leaders; decisions were reached on the basis of suggestion and consent. Although there were wealth differences between individual Chukchee (measured by number of reindeer or boat ownership, depending on the group) these did not translate into authority. Disputes were settled by the parties involved, often backed by their kin. In the case of murder, the dispute might be resolved by an avenging murder or by acceptance of a wergild payment. Lesser disputes were usually resolved amicably or by the movement of one of the parties to another camp. Descent was reckoned bilaterally, although the Chukchee expressed sentiments of feeling closer to their fathers' lines. Kinship terminology was of the Eskimo type. Beyond prohibitions pertaining to near kin, the choice of marriage partners was open to kin and non-kin alike. While the prevailing pattern was marriage within the Reindeer or the Maritime group, there are records of intergroup marriage, as well as marriage of Chukchee with neighboring Koryak, Chuvantsy, Eskimo, Tungus, Lamut, and Yukaghir. Bride service, or infrequently bride payment, was practiced. Newly-married couples set up their own tents, usually in the camp of the groom, but this was not a requirement. Sometimes the bride's family wanted the couple to live with them, and in these cases the bride service was suspended. Polygyny was practiced, but limited to those men able to afford more than one wife. Several people who studied the Chukchee report that there were group marriages. Since the group seldom lived together, however, this may have been the sort of wife-sharing hospitality recorded among the Eskimo rather than true group marriage. Divorce was uncomplicated and could be initiated by either husband or wife. The existence of the practice of infanticide is disputed in the literature, but all accounts note that old, infirm, or depressed people had the right to request their relatives to put them to death. Widows and orphans were taken care of by relatives, and the levirate was generally practiced. Inheritance usually followed the male line, and distribution among brothers was fairly equitable. The cosmological world of the Chukchee was full of spirits, both good and bad. Future events were foretold by various methods, including dream interpretation and scapulimancy. The role of shaman was open to both males and females, and these specialists practiced curing, divination, and sorcery, including in their performances ventriloquism and a number of special-effects tricks. The Chukchee did not engage in large-scale warfare. Small-scale fighting and raiding did take place, however, and captured enemies were enslaved. Beginning in the middle 1600s, with the arrival of the Russians, the Chukchee experienced increasing contact with the outside world. Traders, hunters, government officials, settlers, explorers, and missionaries from several countries all played roles in the contact period. The introduction of firearms and the trade demands for skins affected many of the Chukchee hunting patterns, while the increased hunting pressure by Chukchee and outsiders on the sea mammals nearly caused extinction of these animals. Alcohol and new diseases took their toll, tribute was exacted from the native population, and Chukchee were killed in outbreaks of violence. After the Russian Revolution, the Soviet government gained control of the Chukchee Peninsula and excluded all other outside influences from the area. Since then, the Chukchee have undergone a process of Sovietization, as the government has educated them and organized them into settled collectives. Modern-day reindeer herders live in collectives, the herd is owned in common rather than individually, and the Russians have introduced modern methods of herd breeding and management. The Maritime groups are organized into hunting and fishing collectives and have been supplied with modern equipment for these tasks. Bogoraz-Tan (1904-1909) is the basic source on Chukchee traditional life. Culture summary by Eleanor C. Swanson Antropova, V. V. The Chukchi. By V. V. Antropova and V. G. Kuznetsova. Based on pre-Revolutionaryt data by G. I. Mel'nikov. In M. G. Levin and L. P. Potapov, eds. The Peoples of Siberia. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1964: 799-835, 917-918. Bogoraz-Tan, Vladimir Germanovich. The Chukchee. By Waldemar Bogoras. Leiden, E. J. Brill; New York, G. E. Stechert, 1904-1909. 2 v. (17, 733 p.) illus., map Keefe, Eugene K. Area handbook for the Soviet Union. By Eugene K. Keefe et al. Washington, D.C., U.S. Government Printing Office, 1971. Raun, Alo. Languages of the world: Boreo-Oriental fascicle one. By Alo Raun, David Francis, Carl F. Voegelin, and Florence M. Voegelin. Anthropological Linguistics, Vol. 7, No. 1, 1965. 7837