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  precinct, excluding the royal cemetery, Shimwã, and that their duties centre on the person of the
chief9.
  Three of the chief’s retainers by the appellation nQngwo-ndu   nQngwo-ndu (lit. “chief’s
  wife-big”).  In their case, the ascription of a fictional feminine status receives further symbolic
expression, for example, on the death of one of them, the cult of Ngw´mbe performs for four
days, as it does for a woman, rather than the three days usual for a man.
  Dja’ is the leader of the junior retainers and, following the commands of the chief, he
  organizes their various activities.  In addition, he has the power to arrest people who have
broken village regulations.  The examples commonly given are fighting within the village,
transgressing palace boundaries and failing to observe the appropriate signs of mourning during
an interregnum.
  With two junior retainers, Djçsi’   Djçsi’ and Ndudjwã, WQmbl   ~Q WQmbl   ~Q is responsible to

  the chief for initiating new members into, and organizing the meetings of, the cult Ngw´´mbe  
Ngw´´mbe (see later).  His other major duty is to care for the chief’s ceremonial chinstrap,
mbl   ~Q, which is the supreme symbol of chiefship (for a photograph, see Price 1979: 96).  When
it is necessary to replace its beads, he makes a clandestine journey to a secret lake on the other
side of the River Mbam from whence these beads are purported to emanate.  Only WQmbl   ~Q is
allowed to remove this chinstrap from its leopard-skin bag.  When he does so, the chief sits on
the ground before it and performs the seven-clap royal salute three times.  The importance of
this action is that it signifies that the chief is inferior to the line of his predecessors who have
worn the chinstrap before him and of whom the chief is but the living representative before his
people10
    ~çM shimgbe’s household, Dwçshili (Map 3: 5) is situated directly in front of the main
  entrance to the palace precinct.  His duties demand that he has a good knowledge of events
occurring at the palace.  He is aided by a junior chief’s retainer entitled Mèkwumbwã (lit. “the
feet of the chief”) who lives with him.  Mèkwumbwã should report to him all of significance
that has been done or said at the chief’s court.  Also, he should tell if there have been any
disturbances amongst the chief’s wives because it is Mçshimgbe’s responsibility to regulate
their affairs when the senior chief’s wives fail to do so.  Equally, Mèkwumbwã should inform
the chief about the important occurrences at Dwçshili.  At the death of Mçshimgbe,
Mèkwumbwã normally takes his place as he has had ample opportunity to learn all that this
position entails.
  Mçshimgbe is the only statutory member of the legal council which meets in front of his
  house to hear cases (bèké) brought before it by people who have disputes with others not of
their patriclans11  In recent years, the three other members of this council have usually been the
chief’s councillor, Fhwu NgQmbe, and Mgbè Dwçnku and Ntwç Mundji, two well respected
patriclan heads; but in their absence, or when the case involved a member of their own facilities
or paticlans, other notables stood in.  If the parties involved do not accept this council’s rulings,
they have the right to appeal before the chief.  Alternatively, they can petition the chief for




9People at Ngambe state that it is as dangerous to climb a palm-tree as it is to kill a buffalo.  There are only
several wine-tappers (mètikwi-gbè ) and, like the chief’s retainers, they are included in the category of men who
are said to be “chief’s wives”.  Each wine-tapper is obliged to deliver about 5 litres of wine to the palace every
day. For reasons of discretion, they approch the palace by routes other than that used by most members of the
public.  They believe that, should they earn the chief’s displeasure, he could make them fall.  I have witnessed
arguments between the chief and two wine-tappers: afterwards, they were too frightened to climb and they saidchiefs_5_1.gif
that they had “left marriage” (kwã dQ   kwã dae ), the same phrase that is used for divorce.
10This a salute which is normally performed by notables for the chief .
11Disputes between members of the same patriclan which cannot be settled by the clan head, are take before the
chief for a final judgement.


 



  permission to submit to one of the truth ordeals, mbe or mbe-nshu12, which are administered at
dawn, in front of Mçshimgbe’s house and under his supervision.
  Minor titles, such as those of the junior retainers, are conferred by Mçshimgbe at Dwçshili
  on the command of the chief.  It is there, too, that a candidate for one of the more important
titles must spend a three day period of seclusion, during which time he is supposedly vetted by
his ancestors (mèshwè’, s. nshwè’).  Having met with Ngwã on the final night (see later), he
emerges for the public ceremony which takes place beneath Ndji-NdwÃndji, the tree in the
centre of the village (map 3: 10).
  The present chief, Mgbaruma Felix, walks along the main thoroughfares of the village about
  once a week.  The only house he enters is that of the princess, Mwãmbwã, unless there happens
to be a visiting chief lodged with one of his villagers.  He leaves the palace precinct and sits in
front of Mçshimgbe’s house to observe public ceremonies held farther down in the village.  He
sits there, too, when he wishes to make announcements to his people.  Three Guava trees used
to provide shelter at this spot, but they were cut down by order of the district administration in
1974 and now only their stumps remain.
  Ndji-Ndwãndji, Ndji-Ngwo and Ndji-Nguhu are the personal names of three other trees
  located outside the palace.  By itself, the term Ndji is an honorific title used to address princes.
In relation to  plants (ngè), it is a prefix meaning “standing tree of the type ...”, so
distinguishing living trees from other plant forms that do not have trunks; but it can only be
used as a prefix.  To designate a tree of unspecified type, one would say ndji-ngè’13.  It is
unlikely that the two usages are coincidental as the Tikar make an explicit identification between
trees and authority which manifests itself in various ways.  An example is provided by the
custom of announcing the death of an important person by throwing a length of dead wood on
the ground in front of the chief.
  The village is dominated by the tree, Ndji-Ndwãndji (Map 3: 10), which has a height of
  about 65 metres.  It holds great significance for the Tikar.  It is said to have been planted by
Mçndji-Djwã when he came from Mbum Q-ngishi to establish his village at its present location.
Seven maidens (mèshwo) are supposed to have been buried alive beneath its roots on that
occasion.  The tree itself symbolises the line of chiefs of Ngambe and, should a large branch fall
from it, the event is classed as ndwã, a portent of impending disaster, in this case a sign that the
chief of Ngambe, or perhaps the chief of another Tikar chiefdom, will shortly die14.
  This tree, whose species I have yet to ascertain, is certainly most unusual in that it sheds its
  leaves during the rainy season and bears them throughout the dry season, thereby providing
shade when it is most needed.  Furthermore, it often appears to emit a delicate and refreshing
spray: this curious phenomenon is popularly attributed to the myriad caterpillars which feed on
its leaves.  The relative coolness felt beneath its branches is explicitly likened to the peace and
tranquillity to be had under the aegis of the chief of Ngambe.  It is the site of many public
events.  It is where the small Saturday market is held and where the final parts of the ceremonies
publically bestowing certain important titles are enacted.  It also provides a general meeting
place to which people repair when they have nothing better to do.  They sit on this tree’s roots,
enjoying the shade, chatting and watching the world go by, and they can play a Tikat game
called dQ’  on a board carved in one of its roots.  When the maize begins to ripe, the tree is
“dressed” by hanging an entire maize plant from its lower branches in order to indicate that it is
harvest-time, or, as the Tikar put it, “the time of the maize-wine has arrived” (kwã nkã bènè).
  Ndji-Ndwãndji marks the western end of a large, cleared area in the main thoroughfare of
  the village; at the other end is a smaller tree called Ndji-Ngwo (Map 3: 9), which is associated
with the senior war captain, Mburumb’Q.  Though an established landmark, less importance is
attached to this tree, which represents the executive branch of the chief of Ngambe’s



12Mbe  is sasswood.  The ordeal called Mbe-nshu  involves attempting to pass through two interlocking
bunches of savanna grass (nshu ; Imperata cylindrica).
13I am extremely grateful to Ellen Jackson for having corroborated these usages on my behalf.
14The meaning of the personal name of the tree, Ndwãndji, would appear to be “a portent of impending disaster
from a prince”.  Princes are the archetypal enemies of the chief (see later).


 




  government, and it only comes into prominence in the ceremonies for the installation of war
captains.
  In the space between these two trees, large groups of people congregate and dance on
  festival occasions of a light-hearted or secular nature.  Here, too, are held the formal displays
presented by schoolchildren and the district administration to celebrate such national events as
20th May and Christmas Day.
  The third important tree, Ndji-Nguhu (Map 3: 8) fell in 1973.  It trunk still remains, but at
  its death it ceased to be venerated and it is gradually being used up as firewood.  It is said to
have been planted by the chief of Tã when he moved with his people to Ngambe.  His
descendants now comprise of the largest patriclans in Ngambe and it is named Tã.

III.  The Palace Precinct

  The term s´-nu can be used in three senses.  Firstly, it is used to designate the building in
  front of which the chief gives audience to his people and where the public parts of palace
ceremonies are performed (Map 4: 1).  This is the building to which I usually refer by the term
palace.  Secondly, it can mean the palace and the chief’s wives’ houses (Map 3: 2; all the
buildings on Map 4).  Thirdly, it is used to refer to the entire palace precinct which is at the
south-east end of the village, the highest point on the gradual incline on which Ngambe is
located.  its limits are marked on Map 3.
  S´-nu means literally “within the s´”, and this recalls the practice of fencing the palace
  grounds with a particular form of matting the use of which is strictly reserved for fencing in and
around the palace precinct.  When Mgabaruma Felix succeeded to the chiefship in August 1974,
it was after an interregnum of several  months, during which time the palace fencing had fallen
into disrepair.  By 1977, it had not been replaced, there being more important projects at hand -
the essential palace buildings, the new state school (Map 3: 18) and various jobs for the new
district administration - nevertheless, the boundaries of the palace precinct remained obvious to
local inhabitants and they were fully respected.
  On the succession of Mgbaruma Felix, apart from the house at the royal cemetery (Map 3:
  1), all the palace buildings of his predecessor were razed to the ground.  new buildings (Map 3:
2; Map 4) were constructed at some distance from the previous site (Map 3: 3).  According to
local informants, this is a standard procedure which is followed at the succession of each chief.
To help make clear the Tikar rationalization of why this should be, it is necessary to outline how
succession is regulated at Ngambe.


map4
             Map 4. Sketch map of the Palace and the Houses of the Chief's Wives, Ngambe (1975)



  The chief is regarded as the “father” (tshjè’) of all the other members of the royal
  patrilineage, Gba, who are known collectively as bwãmbwã (s.mwãmbwã, lit. “child of the
chief”).  I refer to the latter as “princes” and “princesses”; when necessary, the Tikar specify
their gender by the addition of a suitable suffix.  Tikar rules of succession are: for a prince to
succeed to the chiefship, he must belong to the category of princes known collectively as
bwangè’ (s. mwangè’, lit. “little trees”, “branch” or “twig”).  They can be defined as those sons
of chiefs who were born during their fathers’ reigns, and after if they died in office; or, as the
Tikar put it, who were born at the palace.
  It is the chief who chooses his successor - from amongst the princes in this category - but, it
  is said, the name of this man should be kept secret so that, firstly, the other potential heirs
should have no cause to kill him and, secondly, he does not seek to hasten his succession by
killing the chief.


 




  The sons of princesses are classifactory, if not real, sisters’ sons of the chief.  They are
  known collectively as mèkyèmbwã (s. kyèmbwã), but this term can equally refer to the six
amongst them who have been chosen by the chief to act as his councillors.  Sometimes the
Fulani loan-word, wadjiri, is used to designate the latter.  Three of their titles, Fhwu Mblãmbe,
Tusa and Fhwu NgQmbe, are senior and those holding them have invariably spent a number of
years as one of the chief’s junior councillors, Diçwã, Fhwu Mbwçsç’ and Fhwaha’.  The latter
generally have more servile roles in rituals concerning the cult of the royal ancestors and much
less of a say in political matters.
  The chief’s councillors play a major part in the government of the chiefdom.  Formally, their
  role is advisory: they meet with the chief to discuss policy, but they have no constitutional right
to overrule him.  However, his councillors are responsible for installing his successor and it is
to them alone that he entrusts the name of his chosen heir.  The fear that they might install
another from amongst his potential successors acts upon the chief as a powerful inducement to
accept the council’s advice should they present a concerted opposition to his proposals at
council meetings.  This is a fear which the chief readily acknowledges.
  My informants, including Mgbaruma Felix, explained why a chief has his palace buildings
  constructed on a site adjacent to his predecessors in terms like the following.  The individual
with most to gain by the death of the chief is the man who will succeed him.  The possibility
always exists that a councillor might develop a grudge against the chief, and he could inform the
heir that he has been chosen.  From a Tikar point of view, the latter then will almost inevitably
seek ways to bring about the chief’s end.  Accordingly, amongst the protective medicines  a
chief buries in his dwellings are some which are aimed specifically at the man he wants to
succeed him.  It is because these medicines remain active after the chief’s death that his
successor must construct his dwellings on a new site.  The first site can be returned to by a
subsequent chief.
  Tension between a person and his or her possible heirs manifest itself at all levels of Tikar
  society, and explicitly so with regard to the chiefship.  The custom described above is just one
spatial expression of the structural opposition of the chief to his potential successors.
Traditionally, when princes living at the palace reached puberty, they were sent to live at a place
called Gba (the name of the royal patrilineage) which is outside the village boundary, on the side
of the village diametrically opposed to the palace (Map 3: 12).  There, they were cared for by
princesses and the families of married princes until they took their own wives.  It is no
coincidence that this location is believed to be the place where sorcerers (mètindQ, s. tindQ)
hold their nocturnal meetings.  Only one person in the entire chiefdom will openly admit to
being a sorcerer, and he is the chief.  People explain that he must be a sorcerer in order to be
able to “see” and to combat the sorcerers threatening the chiefdom.  Perforce, the potential
successors to the chiefship must learn this craft before succeeding and most people assume that
these princes are sorcerers.
  Nowadays, princes must still leave the palace precinct at puberty, but they take up residence
  in the household of a married princess within the village.  When they marry they will generally
construct their houses next to those of the princesses who cared for them.  Antipathy, both real
and feigned, is displayed between the chief and the princes, and this is extended to all the
princes, not just the bwangè’.  Avoidance is assiduously practised between the chief and the
princes.  Should a prince accidentally meet the chief, they behave hostilely towards each other.
  The princes are denied any role in the government of the chiefdom.  There is a hierarchical
  system of seven titles which can be held by those classes as bwang`’, but they have little
functional significance beyond the princes’ internal affairs.  The head of the royal patrilineage is
the chief, but with regard to the princes, he does not perform the functions which are expected
of a normal clan-head.  Instead they devolve upon a non-royal personage entitled SimQmgbe ,
whose primary role is that of high priest of the cult Ngwã (see later).
  Conversely, the princesses actively support the chiefship.  They visit the chief regularly
  when they bring him news of what has been happening in the village.  They play a major part in
the various ceremonies held within the palace and they supply foodstuffs on these occasions.
There is a system of titles open to those classed as bwangè’.  On receiving a title, a princess is
said to be a man (ndwi’) and she gains certain rights which are in accord with her fictional male
status.  They include the right to hold land and to be a family head (tidwç).  At her death, the


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