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  Civil Servants

  As part of the province of West Sumatra, Siberut receives its share of
  provincial and national governmental attention. First of all this is through the
regular, all Indonesian programmes in the field of education, local
administration, communication, health care, and agriculture. But because of its
isolated position, the implementation of these programmes is somewhat
different from that on the mainland. But second and more important is that
Siberut deviates from the rest of West Sumatra because of the nature of its
population which is classified as different from the rest of the province. This
has given rise to special programmes which are being implemented by the
Department of Social Affairs.

  In order to implement all these programmes numerous civil servants
  are sent to Siberut in order to serve their term on the island. Policemen,
teachers, nurses, and civil servants from various departments are transfered
to the island. Most of them are stationed in the two main harbour villages,
Muara Sikabaluan and Muara Siberut, which are the centres for the two
kecamatan on the island (North and South Siberut). Generally civil servants
consider the transfer to the island as a necessity which they have to accept as
part of their civil servant (pegawai negeri) position. Most of them look
forward to the day they can return to the mainland or tanah tepi as they call
it.14

  These employees are provided with local housing. Almost all civil
  servants are of Minangkabau origin: this is to be explained by the fact that
the West Sumatra is dominated by the Minangkabau and so far very few
Mentawaians have achieved the necessary level of education to fulfill the
requirements for these positions.15

  Within the context of this paper I would like to focus on two
  departments in particular because they deal with the ‘wildness’ and
‘wilderness’ aspects of the island.



 


  Defining Wildness: Social Affairs

  The native population of Siberut is officially classified as masyarakat
  terasing (isolated people), a category of people which deserves special
attention according to the policies of the government. Although the entire
population of the Mentawai Archipelago was classified as such but over the
years, the focus of attention has been on the people of Siberut only.

  Though the population of Siberut was already classified as an
  isolated ethnic group in the ’50s, it was not until 1972 that the special
development programme designed for these tribal people started its first
project. This ‘civilization and development’-programme as developed by the
Department of Social Affairs, aims to integrate all isolated people in Indonesia
into the mainstream of social and cultural life. It aims to turn the ‘wild’,
isolated, backward and hinterland people into modern Indonesian citizens.
The classification of a particular group of people as an isolated group is based
on a number of criteria like religion, food patterns, settlements, housing, and
world view. The development programma to integrate these people into the
mainstream is implemented through resettlement projects in which all-
encompassing development activities are executed over a period of five to
seven years. These include sedentary agriculture, health care, education, and
religious activities16. Over the years 23 projects have been implemented
affecting the lifes of more than 7000 people or about one third of the island’s
population.

  Though the programme for the isolated tribes is a Jakarta initiated
  and financed programme, the provincial department plays a very crucial role.
Basic decisions as to which people are classified as masyarakat terasing are
taken at the provincial level in the first place. It is also the provincial
department (of Social Affairs) which initiates the first activities like the field
surveys. It is again the provincial department which determines the targets,
and which implements its policies. Proposals for projects are forwarded to
Jakarta for agreement and financing. Also the programme of implementation
is run from the provincial office. And after termination of the project the
settlement is officially handed over to the provincial administration. To some
extent one could say that it the provincial and in this case Minangkabau
version of the centrally designed development policies which is of crucial
importance for the Mentawaians on Siberut.



 



  Probably the best illustration of this provincial view is an official
  evaluation on a particular project by the department itself. This evaluation
provides a clear image of how one perceives the original situation and the
ideal situation after termination of the projects. Though this evaluation is said
to be based on field surveys I do not want to discuss the emperical evidence
on which it is based. Here the evaluation is merely used to present the kind of
images, contrasts and concepts that are employed in this context (see tabel 1).

  The evaluation describes the initial situation stressing the
  ‘uncivilized’, ‘wild’ of ‘close to nature’ aspects of the traditional life of the
Mentawaians. The project is considered to have brought an enormous change
in almost all aspects of life within a period of five to seven years. To mention
here just one example: with regard to the livelihood the villagers are said to
have moved from forest products and hunting and uncultivated foods to
sedentary agriculture and wet rice cultivation. The interventions are
supposed to have led the Mentawaians away from wildness and wilderness to
civilization, domestication and integration in the mainstream of Indonesian
social and cultural life. It is the intention of the Department of Social Affairs
to extend this programme until all people of Siberut have been reached and
‘educated’ (dibina)(Departmen Sosial 1996).


Defining Wilderness: Forestry

  Views regarding the value of the wilderness conditions on Siberut
  have not been consistent over the years. They have moved from large scale
logging operations in the early ’70s to the establishment of a National Park in
1993. But parallel and underneath this dominant development there have
always been forces moving in opposite directions.

  In the early ’70s almost the entire forest of Siberut was granted to a
  number of logging companies based on the idea that all forest resources land
belonged to the state. This new phase was announced as offering a new
prospect for Mentawai. The traditional export products of sago and rattan
were no longer in great demand: it was thought that sago was replaced by
other products in the food industry and that plastic would replace rattan. The
prospect of exporting large quantities of valuable wood, also called ‘the
mining of the green gold’ (tambang emas hijau), was thought to lead Siberut
and the other Mentawaian Islands out of their state of backwardness (Aneka



 



  Minang 1972)(see map 2).

  According to the local people however there is no empty land on the
  island. The whole island, including also the primary forest, is divided among
the umaF. The local people however were not able to resist the logging
companies from moving in. The local administration backed up by the police
force was avalaible to support the operations of the logging companies.

  In 1976 a small reserve area of 6,500 was established in the middle
  of the island, called Teitei Batti. Through the efforts of World Wildlife Fund
(WWF) and heavily supported by the Minister for the Environment, Emil
Salim, this reserve area was extended up to 132,900 in 1982 Through the
international interest in Siberut, based on the endemic species and the unique
population, Siberut was even officially declared a Man and Biosphere reserve
in 1981 by UNESCO in Paris. However once the involvement in the field of
international organisations like WWF and Survival International had come to
an end in 1982, logging went on with little respect for the reserve boundaries.
The Indonesian Department for Nature Conservation could not cope with the
strenght of the companies.

  There is a big difference between civil servants employed in
  departments which are basically interested in stimulating or facilitating
money generating activities, like agriculture, and forestry on the one hand
and civil servants in the Department for Nature Conservation on the other.
The latter are always forced into in a defensive role. They have to protect
forest or biodiversity from encroaching farmers, companies or estates.

  The first group of people want to convert the forest in more
  profitable and practical uses, like agriculture or estates for industrial crops. To
them wilderness represents primarily a wealth of untapped resources waiting
to be utilized or marketed. They look down on environmental concerns for
wilderness protection and they are not easily impressed by arguments for
biodiversity conservation or degrees of primate endemism. Moreover they
feel that the local people should be uplifted from their state of backwardness
and ignorance and large scale conversion of forest land and immigration of
people with a superior culture were suggested to be proper ways to achieve
this.

  As a consequence of this a number of other initiatives have been



 



  taken in the past two decades. Plans were designed for establishment of
transmigration sites on Siberut, as well as oil palm plantations. Since the late
sixties Siberut has been mentioned in the potential sites for transmigration
sites within the province of West Sumatra. For a variety of reasons these were
never materialised however18.  In 1991 the plans to establish a 250,000 ha
oil palm plantation on the island gave rise to a wide discussion in which
foreign organisations actively participated. Because of lack of infrastructure
for fresh water supply, adequate harbour facilities and a number of other
reasons, these plans were cancelled however.

  In 1992, and much to the surprise of many conservationists in
  Indonesia as well as elsewhere, President Suharto announced the
establisment of a National Park of the island and cancellation of all logging
concessions. And so it happened. Logging equipment, chain saws, trucs and
bulldozers were withdrawn from the island and the former logging camps
were either gradually overgrown or they were occupied by local people, who
had already cleared fields close to the camps. For a couple of years the threat
of establishment of a large oil palm plantation was no longer there. On the
contrary action was taken to implement the National Park on the island. Part
of a large loan of the Asian Development Bank for biodiversity conservation in
Indonesia was used for its implementation in addition to the allocation of
funds from the government of Indonesia itself. The implementation of this
project is on its way at this moment. It is based on a totally different
conception of the value of ‘wild nature’ (Ministry of Forestry 1995; see also
map 3).

  However in the second half of 1996, while the National Park
  Headquarters in Maileppet in the south of Siberut, were about to be finished,
the decision of the provincial governor was announced that a local firm had
obtained permission to clear forest land in order to establish an oil palm
plantation. Prior to final permission the company has already started a
process of buying land from individual uma. Warranted by this process a
Padang-based NGO, called Yayasan Lembaga Bantuan Hukum Indonesia
(Foundation for Legal Help) informed the local people through the village
heads not to accept any offer unless there is clarity regarding the real impact
of this development.19

  Early 1996 this transmigration issue was brought up again by the
  Minister of Transmigration after meeting the President. ‘Jakarta’ wanted to



 



  resume its programme to open up new settlement areas on Siberut ‘in an
effort to bring the largely backward island into the modern civilization’. This
project was said to be shelved in the 1980s because of strong objections from
environmental groups who were concerned about the impact that the settlers
would have on the islanders. But ‘recent studies20 found that these concerns
were unfounded and that keeping the island isolated meant keeping them in a
state of backwardness”. The minister also stated that: “Siberut Island is even
more backward than most areas in eastern Indonesia, with inhabitants still
living very much in a by gone era. Obviously we cannot leave them in that
state.” (Jakarta Post 14 February, 1996).

  At the moment it is unclear as to what kind of decisions will be taken
  in the near future. The decision is up to the Minister of Forestry as he is
officially the one who cancelled the logging concessions on the island, who
established the National Park and it should also be him to change the status of
the area adjacent to the National Park to be converted into the oil palm estate.
In the meantime however it is being argued by the representative of the
Asian Development Bank that you can not have a large National Park on the
one hand and oil palm or other estastes adjacent to it. Migrant workers and
local people will gradually put more pressure on the park’s resources.
Maintaining a well protected area will almost be impossible. Based on this
argument the Asian Development Bank is likely to withdraw its support for
the project if the land is being released for this purpose.

The Joint Definition of Wildness and Wilderness:
Tourism

  Based on the more or less spontaneous development of tourism since
  the late ’80s, the Department of Tourism has also officially adopted its
position with regard to Siberut as a tourist destination. The emphasis of the
provincial tourist board has always been on the unique Minangkabau culture,
its matrilineal character and on its material manifestations, like the extended
houses with roofs shaped like the horns of a buffalo, the music and the dances
in colourful customs. The scenic setting of the Minangkabau culture in the
heartland with the two volcanos, two beautiful lakes and the rice terraces,
added to the touristic value of the province. Since the success of the
spontaneously developed backpack tourism to Siberut, the department is now
echoing the slogans of the Bukittinggi-based tourist guides with catch words



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