Throughout the forest, from the Atlantic to the East African Lakes, from the 4th Parallel North and 4th Parallel South, different strategies for exploiting the forest co-exist.
Traditional swidden agriculturists living in dense rainforest areas make up about 80 % of forest populations. Shifting agriculture provides the basis of their food system, supplemented by hunting, gathering and fishing. All these populations are dependent on wild forest products, whether they themselves engage in hunting, gathering and fishing or whether they obtain them from groups specializing in these activities, hunter-gatherer Pygmies or fishing populations along the rivers.
In the Congo Basin, vast swampy areas of flooded forest have emerged around the big rivers ; these particular ecological niches have lead to the development of specific economic systems which include fishing populations living on the islands on the rivers and fishing-agriculturist populations exploiting the silted land. These areas have long since been characterized by a symbiotic network of regional exchanges and the high degree of specialization in fishing and commercial exchanges.
*Fishing-agriculturalists in flooded forest areas make up
approximately 7 % of forest populations. Their economy is mainly turned towards
fishing and only secondarily towards agriculture.
*Fishing specialists represent approximately 8 % of forest
populations. They carry out their activities either in the forested and
herbaceous swamps or on the wide rivers of the Congo Basin. They produce hardly
any agricultural products and obtain forest products from agriculturalists.
Hunter-gatherer Pygmies, mobile populations specialized in hunting and gathering wild products, represent approximately 5 % of Central Africa's total population ; they can be classified into two main categories depending on whether they engage in agriculture or not (for their own consumption).
*All Pygmy groups have always been closely linked with neighbouring
agricultural communities, relationships based on the exchange of goods and food
-the Pygmies' resources are therefore partly based on cultivated products
obtained through exchange.
*However, Pygmy groups solely engaged in hunting and gathering activities
used to be a majority and are now exceptional. Most Pygmy populations now have
some form of agriculture supplementing their diet but it rarely yields
sufficient supplies. We shall refer to these groups as transitional
hunter-gatherers.
The main features of economic and political organization and land distribution of forest societies, such as they were observed formerly, still apply today and are the socio-cultural foundations of modernity. The characteristics described below ought to provide a better understanding of the relationship between forest societies and both the forest environment and neighbouring societies.
Traditional swidden agriculturists, representing the majority of Central Africa's forest populations are largely dependent on the forest environment. In general, activities such as hunting, gathering and fishing are an integral part of their economy and cultural system.
Contrary to what one only too often assumes, agriculturists engaged in shifting agriculture are experienced forest specialists and master a variety of hunting, gathering and fishing techniques. Each hamlet owns a major territory of forest (though the size of this territory is far smaller than that used by hunter-gatherers).
It is sometimes difficult to separate cultivation and gathering, because a common practice is to exploit non-indigenous and semi-wild plants in fallow forest areas.
Though staple food is provided by agriculture, game, fish and products obtained from gathering are very much appreciated foodstuffs and provide essential nutritional complements (protein, fats and vitamins).
Besides, many rituals associated with hunting activities illustrate the communities' strong attachment to the forest. The concept of space is concentric in most of these societies. Some places located in the forest have a negative value and may be considered sacred.
Examples of such places are the "sacred woods" near the village, in which there are very tall trees that one may not cut down, hills, caves, rocks and cemeteries in which movement is restricted.
Generally speaking, forest societies of Central Africa belong to complex symbiotic regional networks. The more specialized a society (in fishing, hunting and gathering or agriculture), the more its members will be selling or exchanging the products of their activities and the more they will have to obtain from others what they do not produce themselves.
Everywhere, swidden agriculturists supplement their diet with forest products following two main strategies : either they obtain them from neighbouring groups or they specialize themselves in hunting and gathering and therefore increase the time they put into forest activities.
Societies in the Congo Basin have a great variety of different types of economies. They are rarely isolated and self-sufficient and usually have close connections with neighbouring groups.
* In the south of Cameroon (Department of Océan), there is an
example of such a symbiotic complex, made up of the Yassa, Mvae and Gyeli,
respectively maritime fishing specialists, fishing-agriculturalists,
transitional hunter-gatherers. The diet of each of these ethnic groups is
characterized by foodstuffs which they do not produce themselves but obtain
from their neighbours.
* In north-east Zaïre (Equateur), the Ngiri's regional complex is made up of different types of economies between which there are instituted exchanges with markets : fishing groups obtain agricultural products from agriculturalists living on dry land or in flooded forest areas. Similarly, in Kivu, the fishing Songola have a symbiotic relationship with the agriculturalist Songola.
* Wherever there are hunter-gatherer Pygmies, there is usually a similar
long-established symbiotic relationship with agriculturalists.
The fact that markets as an institution do not exist does not necessarily imply self-sufficiency.
All forest societies in Central Africa are integrated in vast networks of exchanges. There are two patterns :
* the first pattern includes societies in which people regularly attend markets (where they use money or barter), a very old practice dating back to the pre-colonial period (the Songola for example - Zaïre, Kivu) ;
* the second pattern includes societies in which there are no instituted
markets but where local products are exchanged over long distances via lineage
and kinship relationships. In this type of society, money is part of the local
economy and itinerant tradesmen do sell manufactured products, but the dynamics
of the economy relies mainly on a system of exchange which has nothing in
common with Western-style commercial traditions (e.g. the Kwele, Bangando,
Mbomam - Cameroon, Boumba-et-Ngoko, Ngbaka'Mabo - CAR).
* IIn south-east Cameroon for example, business is essentially in the hands
of foreign populations such as the Bamileke and "Hausa" who have strong
commercial traditions. These tradesmen have shops and road-houses in the small
urban centres or at major crossroads, they go from door to door and follow the
coffee and cacao market displaying and selling their wares. These shops do not
sell local products, except ivory. They only stock urban articles such as soap,
fuel, tinned sardines, notebooks and clothes.
The dynamics of the economy of societies where there are no markets rely on ancient economic and especially social institutions such as gift-exchange[64].
Called bilaba among the Bulu and Fang (south Cameroon, north Equatorial Guinea, north Gabon), yele among the Ngbaka'Mabo(CAR), malaki among the Ba-Kongo, this institution is both an exchange and a fight for prestige : goods or foodstuffs were exchanged ceremoniously, overbidding being the rule, thus establishing bonds of mutual assistance and alliances. Traditionally, the heads of two different families, sometimes living in very distant villages, would thus compete for being the most generous. These relationships based on alliance or friendship created bonds of pseudo-kinship and thus extend solidarity beyond kinship.
At present, this sort of contract can be found between the members of an ethnic group living in the forest and other members of the same group living in urban areas. This favours the circulation of manufactured products but also imposes heavy social constraints on the ones living in towns. Today still, pacts of alliance or friendship are being established in all societies. High individual mobility (short- or long-term visits to villages that can be very far from one's own) encourage a regular basis for these exchanges.
Far from being withdrawn, the economy of these societies has its own dynamics and developpers ought to take this into account rather than try to create markets which would be perceived as artificial by the populations concerned[65].
Most forest societies of Central Africa have an acephalous political system, involving little hierarchy and centrered around the head of the lineage. The qualities of a leader still represent a model, a system of values to which younger generations refer. These influential political people do not necessarily have administrative responsibilities.
The role of leader is a widespread institution in the whole of the Congo Basin, particularly among traditional swidden agriculturists. A leader is a man in the prime of life whose fame is based on the numerous alliances he has contracted with "strangers", i.e. individuals who do not belong to his own kinship group : matrimonial alliances and pacts of alliance and friendship.
The qualities required for the position are wealth, generosity and hospitality. These men have many wives and are at the head of huge fields of food crops by the polygynous household ; they own many sheep (the currency used in matrimonial exchanges), they keep up regular contacts with their in-laws and numerous friends towards which they show great generosity. A more or less important leader is usually at the head of a hamlet ; he lives with his old parents (his father being the head of the lineage), and occasionally with one of his brothers or sisters and their own families.
The younger generations, often aimed at by the aid programmes are imbued with this system of traditional values which conflicts with the national economic system, itself based on principles such as profitability and economic investment.
In general, the relationship of traditional swidden cultivators to their land is opposed to that of fishing populations living in flooded forest areas :
*for societies living on dry land, land ownership is collective, inalienable and interwoven with inter-ethnic relationships.
*for societies living in flooded forests, especially for those engaged in
fishing, land ownership tends to be on an individual basis and alienable.[66]
Whatever the type of society, the territory of a village or hamlet extends well beyond the cultivated area and is recognized by customary land law.
Similarly for hunter-gatherers for whom a territory includes the area used for hunting and gathering by one set of camps.
The forest territory of a Pygmy camp extends over 300 to 400 km2 and covers the zones which a group exploits each year at the different seasons. Rivers or hills mark the boundaries of these territories.
Most forest societies are characterized by high individual mobility (short- of long-term visits) and seasonal moves.
The Central African forest still shelters an important population of hunter-gatherer Pygmies divided into several groups which have no contact with each other. A distinctive feature of their economy is the close economic relationships, often referred to as symbiotic, which they have with populations of swidden cultivators.
One can thus say that Pygmies are hunter-gatherers in so far as their techniques and time-table are concerned, but closer to swidden agriculturists in terms of their diet.
Their association with these populations is based on the exchange of forest products (especially meat from hunting) and extra labour to clear the forest for new fields. In return, they obtain agricultural products and metal tools.
All Pygmies are mobile but the degree of mobility varies. Some Pygmy groups are still basically involved in a forest economy, whereas others have already adopted agriculture to supplement their diet, though hunting remains an essential part of their activities, seasonally at least.
The most mobile groups are the Baka (Cameroon), the Aka (CAR and Congo) and the various Mbuti (Asua, Efe, Basua in Zaïre). Partially settled groups include the Kola (Cameroon), the Bongo (Gabon) and the various Twa in Zaïre.
However, changes in traditional life-style are to be seen everywhere : in all these regions, one may encounter very traditional camps (and therefore highly mobile), or camps that are partially fixed half the year, and even groups completely involved in agriculture.[67]
The participation of Pygmies in regional commercial networks is not recent and was already present at the time of European trading in the 17th century (Pygmies provided the ivory from the elephants they caught). However, a growing demand for labour in towns and small urban centres (especially for working in sawmills) has lead to a dramatic expansion of the meat trade. This entails increased pressure on the Pygmies who are more and more involved in a money economy.
Excessive involvement in a money economy has particularly dramatic consequences in times of economic crisis such as the one through which Zaïre is living at the moment :
In Equateur, the Twa groups that had abandonned the forest to become hand-labourers on the coffee and hevea plantations, have now lost their jobs and have no resources. They nevertheless refuse to return to a nomadic life-style which they have forgotten by now : cases of extreme malnutrition are common and entail the death of the children and weaker elderly.[68]
See SS III for more information on these groups.
| Ethnic
groups (synonyms)
|
Region,
population
|
Source
|
| Aka
(Mbenzele, Bayaka, Babinga)
|
RCA,
Congo : 30 to 35 000
|
BAHUCHET
1985
|
| Bantu
language. Permanent links with groups of Ubangians (Ngbaka, Yangere, Bofi,
Biyanda) and Bantus (Ngando, Mbati, Pande, Pomo, Mbimu, Kako, etc)
|
||
Asua (Aka, different from the Aka in the CAR ; Bambuti)
|
Zaïre
(Ituri) : a few thousand
|
BAILEY
et al., 1990
|
| Sudanese
language. In contact with Mangbetu groups (Maele, Meje, Aberu and Popoi),
Babudu, Bandaka, Baberu, Babali.
|
||
Babongo (Akoa, Bazimba)
|
Gabon
: 2 000
|
BAILEY,
BAHUCHET & HEWLETT, 1990
|
| Bantu
languages. Between Franceville, Mbigou, Bone, Lambarene and Njole ; near Moabi
; Village Pointe Denis (Akoa).
|
||
Baka (Bangombe)
|
S.E.
Cameroon, N. Gabon, N.W. Congo : 30 to 40 000
|
BAILEY,
BAHUCHEt & HEWLETT, 1990
|
| Ubangian
language. Permanent links with the Bantu (Kwele, Mbomam, Mvonmvon, Konabemebe,
Djem, Nzime) and Ubangians (Bangando, Gbaya).
|
||
Efe (Bambuti)
|
Zaïre
(Ituri) : approx. 10 000
|
BAILEY,
BAHUCHET & HEWLETT, 1990
|
| Sudanese
language. Scattered from the north to the east of the Ituri forest. Areas of
Mambassa, Watsa, Irumu and Djugu. Permanent relationships with the Lese, Karo,
Mvuba, Lombi, Mamvu and Bira.
|
||
Kola (Gyeli, Bagyeli)
|
S.W.
Cameroon : 3 500
|
LOUNG,
1991
|
| Bantu
language. Contacts with the Basa, Ngumba, Mabea, Batanga, Iyasa.
|
||
Mbuti (Basua, Kango)
|
Zaïre
: 7 500
|
BAILEY,
BAHUCHET & HEWLETT, 1990
|
| Bantu
language. In contact with the Babila, Bandala in the centre and south of Ituri.
|
||
Twa of the Ntomba
|
Zaïre
(Lake Tumba) : 14 000
|
PAGEZY,
1988
|
| Bantu
language. Swamp land. A caste within the following societies : Mongo, Ntomba,
Ekonda, Bolia (called Oto).
|
||
Twa of Kasaï
|
Zaïre
(Kasaï)
|
|
| Bantu
language. Boudaries of forest-savannah. Contacts with the Luba and Ndengese.
|
Populations of agriculturists living throughout the rainforest engage in shifting swidden agriculture based on intercropping. The different activities -hunting, gathering, trapping, fishing and agriculture- supplement each other within the system of production. But agriculture is the most important activity.
Around the fields, traps are set to catch animals (rodents, wild pigs, small antelopes, etc) : they protect the crops while providing part of the family diet's meat content. Trapping is thus as much an agricultural activity as an activity specifically connected with the forest where it is often carried out in the form of collective hunting (especially with nets).
Gathering (palm nut, Elaeis, kola, fungi, termites, caterpillars, etc) is carried out on the fallows or in the forest. Irvingia gabonensis, Canarium schweinfurthii and, in some places, safu tree (Pachylobus edulis), are not usually cultivated, but the wild trees are exploited in connection with seasonal mobility.
The table gives a list of the majority of traditional swidden agriculturists in Cameroon, Congo, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, the CAR and Zaïre.
In the table, ethnic groups are classified in alphabetical order with the country or countries in which they live, the corresponding administrative unit(s) (in italics), the most recent demographic data, and, occasionally, a commentary on the group's composition and the types of exchanges involved ; we also give the sources of our information. Besides, some ethnic groups or ensembles such as the Nunu (Zaïre, Bandundu), Songola (Zaïre, Kivu) and Mvae (Cameroon, Océan, Ntem ; Gabon) include sub-groups whose economy does not rely only on a combination of agriculture hunting and gathering but also on fishing. In this case, only sub-groups of agriculturists have been mentioned in the table. When demographic data on these sub-groups was unavailable, information relevant for the ethnic group as a whole is provided to give an idea of the figures involved. (Ethnic groups are underlined.) Map 9 locates the ethnic groups referred to in the report.
| Ethnic
groups
|
||
| Ambede,
Gabon
|
45
to 60 000
|
BARRET,
1982
|
| Babole,
Congo
|
4
000
|
SIL
1989
|
| Badjoue,
Cameroon
|
||
| Bakwele,
Cameroon, Congo
|
8
to 16 000
|
SIL
1990
|
| Baali,
Zaïre
|
42
to 50 000
|
UBS,
1987; HUDDLESTON, 1988
|
| Bamwe,
Djandu, Ndolo ; Zaïre
|
Mumbanza
Mwa Bawele, 1979
| |
| Ngiri
regional complex. Symbiotic relationships with specialized fishing populations.
Presence of markets.
|
||
| Bangando,
Cameroon
|
2
700
|
SIL
1977
|
| Associated
with Baka Pygmies
|
||
| Bawandji,
Gabon
|
6
to 14 000
|
CMA
1990
|
| Bira,
Zaïre
|
5
000
|
SIL
1987
|
| Associated
with Mbuti Pygmies
|
||
| Boa,
Zaïre
|
80
000
|
SIL
1986
|
| Sub-groups
: Apakibete, Boa-Ngombe
|
||
| Boma-Sakata,
Zaïre
|
Nkiere
Bokuna Mpa-Osu, 1981
| |
| A
variety of ethnic groups. Contacts with fishing-traders Bobangi, Bolobo.
Integrated within huge networks with markets.
|
||
| Bomasa,
Congo
|
Only
one village
|
|
| Associated
with Aka-Mbenzele Pygmies
|
||
| Bomoali,
Congo
|
5
000
|
SIL
1991
|
| Associated
with Aka-Mbenzele Pygmies
|
||
| Bongom,
Congo, Gabon
|
11
000
|
SIL
1977
|
| Associated
with Bakola Pygmies
|
||
| Boyela,
Zaïre
|
Two
groups : 33 000 (NE), 2 000 (SE)
|
Sato,
1983
|
| N.E.
: Mongo, symbiotic relationship with Twa Pygmies. S.E. : different group.
|
||
| Bulu,
Cameroon
|
174
to 180 000
|
INSEE
1964 ; SIL 1982
|
| Group
related to the Fang, and close to the Zaman, Okak. Cacao cultivation. Vast
territory of 4 700 km2, with densities of 2,3 to 8,4 km2.
|
||
| Djem,
Nzime ; Cameroon
|
||
| Djumbusanga
(Tetela), Zaïre
|
2
500
|
de
HEUSCH, 1957
|
| Fang,
Cameroon, Equat. Guinea, Gabon
|
525
000
|
Franqueville,
1971, 1965-67 ; SIL 1982
|
| Big
linguistic group, expansionist. Many sub-groups (Okak, Ntumu, Mvae,etc).
Territory of 180 000 km2. Okak, Ntumu and Mvae have symbiotic
relationships with Kola Pygmies.
|
||
| Komo,
Zaïre
|
60
000
|
de
MAHIEU, 1985
|
| Related
to the Bira. Specialized in elephant hunting.
|
||
| Konabembe,
Cameroon, Congo
|
Associated
with Baka Pygmies.
|
|
| Kota,
Gabon, Congo
|
28
to 60 000 (!)
|
CMA1990
|
| Kote,
Nkundo ; Zaïre
|
BEGUIN,
1961
| |
| In
contact with Batswa Pygmies. Population density : between 5 and 14
inhab./km2.
|
||
| Kuba
and Bushoong, Zaïre
|
VANSINA,
1956 ; ESOMBA-MAKUNZA, 1981
| |
| Associated
with Twa Pygmies. They live on the boundary forest/savanah.
|
||
| Lese,
Zaïre
|
50
000
|
SIL
1991
|
| Culturally
related to the Mvuba. Symbiotic relationships with the Pygmies.
|
||
| Lobola,
Likola, Dzamba, Zaïre
|
Ngiri
regional complex. Close ties with specialized fishing populations.
|
|
| Mabea,
Cameroon, Equat. Guinea
|
7
800
|
SIL
1987
|
| Associated
with Kola Pygmies.
|
||
| Maka,
Cameroon
|
80
000
|
SIL
1987
|
| Mbati
(Isongo), CAR
|
41
000
|
SIL
1988
|
| Mbomam,
Cameroon
|
Associated
with Baka Pygmies.
|
|
| Mbimu
(Mpyemo), CAR, Cameroon
|
10
000
|
estimates
|
| Contacts
with Aka and Baka Pygmies.
|
||
| Mboko,
Congo
|
||
| Mbo
(Ombo), Zaïre
|
3
000
|
RöSLER,
1993
|
| Territory
of 5 000 km2 ; population density : 0,7 inhab./km2.
Contacts with 700 Mbuti Pygmies.
|
||
| Mbosi,
Congo
|
169
000
|
BARRET,
1982
|
| This
figure includes all Mbosi speakers (11% of the national population), i.e. far
more than the number of traditional swidden agriculturists. Single crop of
manioc as cash crop.
|
||
| Mvae,
Cameroon, Gabon
|
6
500
|
FRANQUEVILLE,
1971
|
| Territory
of 2 000 km2 ; population density : between 2,7 and 4,1
inhab./km2. Relations with Kola Pygmies.
|
||
| Ndunga,
Zaïre
|
||
| Ngando,
CAR
|
5
600
|
SIL
1988
|
| Associated
with Aka Pygmies. Sub-group : Enyele (Congo)
|
||
| Ngandu,
Zaïre
|
25
000
|
estimates
|
| Marginally
in contact with Mbuti Pygmies.
|
||
| Ngbaka
Ma'bo, CAR
|
61
000
|
SIL
1988
|
| Associated
with Aka Pygmies.
|
||
| Ngombe,
Zaïre
|
||
| Ngumba,
Cameroon
|
9
700
|
SIL
1987
|
| Associated
with Kola Pygmies.
|
||
| Ngondi,
CAR
|
Associated
with Aka Pygmies. Related to the Pende.
|
|
| Ngundi,
Congo
|
Associated
with Aka-Mbenzele Pygmies. Related to the Bomasa.
|
|
| North
Ntomba, Zaïre
|
23
800
|
ESOL'EKA,
1986
|
| Related
to the Mongo.
|
||
| Okande,
Gabon
|
1
000
|
CMA,
1990
|
| Pere,
Zaïre
|
15
000
|
BAUDOUX,
1989 ; BIEBUYCK, 1976
|
| Songola,
ZaIre
|
50
000 (total)
|
ANKEI,
1990
|
| Cultural
complex made up of various specialized sub-groups (agriculturalists + fishing
populations).
|
See SS IV for more information on these groups.
All the populations living along the main rivers and their tributaries stand out because of the high degree of specialization of their activities centrered around fishing and commercial exchanges.
Where the Zaïre and Ubangi Rivers meet, as in the extensive swamps due to the Zaïre River and its tributaries, Fishing populations have long since established a huge network in which people and goods circulate.
This vast commercial network must be seen as a chain of segments, each segment exploited more or less exclusively by a group of fishing-traders.
The variety of ecological niches in flooded forest areas has lead to the emergence of different economic systems :
*agricultural-fishing populations in areas permanently above
water-level ;
*specialized fishing populations in the swamps and along the big
rivers ; they hardly cultivate at all ;
*fishing-agriculturists in flooded forests whose economy is
mainly based on fishing, agriculture only providing supplements in times of
food shortage and carried out on small areas.
*In some cases, such as the Hunu (Zaïre, Bandundu) or the
Songola (Zaïre, Kivu), the same ethnic group may include sub-groups
which have adopted different adaptative systems, more or less specialized.
*Other populations, such as those living along the Ngiri River (Zaïre,
Equateur) are integrated in a regional complex that includes fishing
populations living on swamp land, agricultural-fishing populations living in
flooded forest areas and agriculturists living on dry land. Commercial
relationships are often based on alliances between the different ethnic
groups.
Fishing is a commercial activity. All these sub-groups regularly exchange their fish products for forest and agricultural products (using money or barter).
Discussing the dependance of populations on the forest environment therefore requires including the complex regional networks in which these societies are integrated.
All the fishing populations are dependent on the forest for the materials required in carring out their activities : wood for dugouts, lianas and various fibres to make fishing gear and hoop nets.
See SS V for more information on these groups.
a) Forest-dwellers
These groups alternate between on the one hand living in villages on dry land, on the periphery of the swamps, where they carry out swidden agriculture, and fishing expeditions on the other, for 4 to 6 months per year in flooded forest areas.
Fishing is the main activity and agriculture is only carried out on small fields. A little hunting and gathering supplements these activities.
The following table gives a list of the majority of the different fishing populations living in flooded forests. Ethnic groups are classified in alphabetical order with the country or countries in which they live, the corresponding administrative unit(s) (in italics), the most recent demographic data, and, occasionally, a commentary on the group's composition and the types of exchanges involved ; we also provide the sources of our information.
b) Fishing populations along the rivers
This includes ethnic groups specialized in fishing, living in villages on the shores of the large rivers such as the Zaïre, Ubangi or Sangha ; small-scale swidden agriculture supplements their diet. Several of these groups are skilled paddlers and traders.
Some groups along the River Zaïre, such as the Libinza, Bobangi and Liki used to live in the forested and herbaceous swamps which they left to settle along the Zaïre and provide fish for the urban centres.[69]
c) Coastal fishing populations
One should mention in passing the populations living on the Atlantic coast who have turned their backs on the forest. However, they still rely on it for agricultural land and for resources to supplement their diet, i.e. the products of gathering and trapping, various materials and medicinal plants.
| Balobo,
Zaïre
|
Flooded
forest. Agriculture +fishing. Ngiri regional complex. Symbiotic relations with
specialized fishing populations. Markets.
|
|
Boma-Sakata, Zaïre
|
Agriculture
on land above water-levels and 4 to 6 months fishing expeditions. Contacts with
Bobangi traders. Huge commercial networks.
|
|
Bongili, Congo
|
Swamps
in the Congo Basin.
|
|
Ntomba , Zaïre (Lake Tumba)
|
Lake
and swamps. Associated with Twa Pygmies.
|
|
Nunu, ZaIre
|
4
000
|
HARMS,
1987, 1990
|
| Networks
for the exchange and commercialization of products. Territory of 800
km2.
|
| Bobangi,
Congo
|
70000 UBS 1990
Networks
for the exchange and commercialization of products. Territory of 800
km2.
|
Bomitaba (Mbomotaba), Congo |
7000 SIL 1989
Rivers Likouala, Motaba |
Likuba, Congo
|
Rivers
Likouala, Sangha
|
Likwala, Congo
|
Rivers
Likouala, Sangha and Grassy- Likouala
|
Libinza, Zaïre
|
7
to 10 000 Van
LEYNSEELE, 1978
Populations
fishing in the herbaceous swamps, at present settled along the Zaïre.
Ngiri regional complex.
|
|
Lokele, Zaïre
|
150000 LOKOMBA, 1972 ; UBS 1980
Rivers Zaïre and Lomami. Famous fishermen, great travellers and traders.
Territory of approx. 60 000 km2
|
|
Mboi, Congo
|
Rivers
Ubangi, Alima, Mossaka
|
Mbole, Zaïre
|
River
Zaïre
|
| Monzombo,
CAR, Zaïre, Congo
|
12
000 SIL 1977
River Ubangi
|
| Ngbandi (Yakoma), Zaïre, CAR
|
71
600 BIBEAU, 1982 ; SIL 1992
Partly fishermen and traders on the Ubangi, partly swidden agriculturists. High mobility along the watercourses, skilled paddlers.
|
Songola, Enya (Wagenya), Zaïre
|
7000 ANKEI 1990
Group
of fishing specialists and agriculturists. Trade and markets.
|
| Benga,
Equat. Guinea, Gabon
|
2
000
|
SIL
1992
|
| Enanga,
Galwa ; Gabon
|
5
to 7 000
|
estimates
|
| Estuary
of the Ogooué
|
||
Iyasa, Cameroon
|
1
500
|
SIL
1982
|
| Kombe,
Equat. Guinea
|
4
000
|
NiDA,
1972
|
| Mpongwe,
Gabon
|
2
500
|
SIL
1992
|
| Estuary
of the Ogooué
|
||
Omyene, Gabon
|
47
500
|
SIL
1992
|
| Estuary
of the Ogooué
|
[64] See ALEXANDRE & BINET, 1958 ; BINET, 1956 ; GUILBOT, 1951 ; BALANDIER, 1961 ; THOMAS, 1963.
[65] ALEXANDRE & BINET, 1958 : "from Yaoundé to Brazzaville, there are no markets, or, to be more precise, those that we see today were set up by Europeans or to respond to their demand;" The absence of markets also features in BALANDIER (1955 : 544).
[66] See further SS VII.
[67] See BAHUCHET, 1991 ; ICHIKAWA, 1991
[68] PAGEZY, 1990, in litt.
[69] See HARMS, 1980, 1981 ; LEBIGRE, 1973