Diagram 4: The types of vegetation in Greater Amazonia
|
|
| a - Lowland rainforest | b - Lowland rainforest rich in palm trees |
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|
| c - Deciduous dry forest | d - Flooded forest type mangrove |
![]() |
|
| e - Flooded forest type "igapó" and "várzea" | f - Dense scrub woodland type "cerradão" |
![]() |
|
| g - Scrub woodland with trees or "cerrado" | Scrub woodland with herbs, dry or flooded |
The purpose of this chapter will be to put forward a simple picture of the state of the various habitats and of the aggressions they are subjected to (see map 4, `The various attacks on the Amazonian environment'16).
The attacks on the environment can be investigated for example on the basis of what the aggression affects : the subsoil is affected by mines and oil ; the trees by activities ranging from plain selective felling to complete clear felling for the purposes of animal husbandry ; the rivers from fishing for sport to hydroelectric dams. So as to provide a better understanding of the accompanying human factors, aggressions will be presented in decreasing order of the importance of their impact.
All the data is brought together in table 7, 'Ethnic groups, their habitat and the state of their environment'. The table is the result of an original attempt at presenting a general overview on the basis of the available data provided in the bibliography to which we have referred. The table gives an account of the state of the environment ; there are four categories and the size of the area affected has been taken into account :
* no degradation : 95 % of the natural environment remains intact. Only
traditional activities are carried out. Though various pressures are at work,
there is at present no actual evidence of it.
* little degradation : over 85 % of the environment is intact. The area
occupied by native Amarican Indians is hardly affected. Threats remain on the
periphery and there are only minor attacks.
* average degradation : the destruction of the environment has begun and
affects between 35 to 50 % of the land occupied by indigenous populations.
There are major aggressions.
* high degradation : over 50 % of the natural habitat has deteriorated.
Attacks are important and often irreversible. Land occupied by indigenous
populations is even sometimes preserved, but only as a small island surrounded
by destruction on every side.

Map 4 : The various attacks on the Amazonian environment
number
referring to table 7
|
type of environment
|
| 1
|
lowland
rain forest ; port. : <<mata de terra firme>>, fr. :
<<forêt tropicale ombrophile de terre ferme>>. It includes
evergreen and semi-evergreen vegetation cover.
|
| 2
|
deciduous
dry forest; fr. <<forêt tropicale décidue>>.
|
| 3
|
flooded
forest ; fr. : <<forêts inondables>>. This includes the
mangroves (sea water) and fresh water flooded forests, port. :
<<igapó>> et <<várzea>>.
|
| 4
|
montane
forest ; fr. : <<forêt tropicale d'altitude>>; esp.
<<montanha>>.
|
| 5
|
edaphic
forests. Low forest growing in white sands, port. :
<<campina>>. Forests of lianas, port. : <<mata de
cipó>> and bamboo forests, port. : <<mata aberta de
bambu>>.
|
| 6
|
scrub
woodland, fr. : <<milieux ouverts ou semi-ouverts>>; port. :
<<cerrado>> ; savannah, fr. : <<savane
herbeuse>>, esp. <<llanos>>, port. :
<<campos>>.
|
no.
|
ethnic group
|
habitat
|
state
of the environment
|
agressions on the environment
|
| 1
|
Achagua
|
6,1
|
average
degradation
|
extensive
animal husbandry
|
| 2
|
Achuar
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism'
|
| 3
|
Aguano
|
1,3
|
average
degradation
|
agricultural
colonization
|
| 4
|
Aguaruna
|
1,4
|
average
degradation
|
forestry
; agricultural colonization ; conflicts over land
|
| 5
|
Akawayo/Ingariko
(Kapon)
|
1,6
|
high
degradation
|
agricultural
colonization ; forestry ; gold-seeking
|
| 6
|
Amanayé/Anambé
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
agricultural
fronts moving east and north
|
| 7
|
Amawaka
|
1
|
no
degradation
|
* |
| 8
|
Amuesha
|
1,4
|
average
degradation
|
agricultural
colonization
|
| 9
|
Andoke
|
1,3
|
no
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism'
|
| 10
|
Apinayé
|
2
|
high
degradation
|
pioneer
frontier;
permanent conflicts over land
|
| 11
|
Apurinã
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
'extrativism';
road (only affects one group)
|
| 12
|
Arabela
|
1
|
no
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism'
|
| 13
|
Araona
|
1
|
no
degradation
|
* |
| 14
|
Arara
(Itogapuk)
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
colonization
moving east
|
| 15
|
Arara
(Karib)
|
5
|
little
degradation
|
colonization
in the north along the Trans-Amazonica; forestry
|
| 16
|
Arawak
(Lokono)
|
1,3,6
|
average
degradation
|
enclosed
pockets surrounded by non-indigenous populations; land flooded after
construction of a dam (Suriname)
|
| 17
|
Araweté
|
1,5
|
no
degradation
|
threatened
by the construction of a dam
|
| 18
|
Asurini
(Akwa)
|
1
|
average
degradation
|
agricultural
colonization;
dam further upriver (Tucurui)
|
| 19
|
Asurini
(Xingu)
|
1,5
|
no
degradation
|
threatened
by the construction of a dam
|
| 20
|
Ava-Canoeiros
|
2,6
|
average
degradation
|
extensive
animal husbandry;
reservoir under construction
|
| 21
|
Bakairi
|
2,6
|
average
degradation
|
gold
and diamond 'extrativism'
|
| 22
|
Baniwa
|
1,3,5
|
little
degradation
|
Brazil
: area under military control;
prospection for mining; 'extrativism'
|
| 23
|
Baré
|
1,3,5
|
little
degradation
|
Brazil
: area under military control;
prospection for mining; 'extrativism'
|
| 24
|
Bauré
|
6,1
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
animal husbandry
|
| 25
|
Betoye
|
6,1
|
average
degradation
|
settled
extensive animal husbandry;
agricultural colonization
|
| 26
|
Bora/Miraña
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism';
Brazil : enclosed pockets surrounded by non-indigenous populations
|
| 27
|
Bororo
|
2,6
|
high
degradation
|
extensive
animal husbandry;
sugar cane plantation and production of alcohol
|
| 28
|
Chacobo
|
1
|
no
degradation
|
* |
| 29
|
Chamikuro
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
agricultural colonization
|
| 30
|
Chayahuita
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
affected
by agricultural colonization
|
| 31
|
Chikito
|
2,6
|
average
degradation
|
extensive
animal husbandry
|
| 32
|
Chimane
|
1,6
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism'; forestry
|
| 33
|
Cinta-Larga
(Digüt)
|
1,6
|
average
degradation
|
forestry
; gold-seeking; agricultural colonization;
permanent conflicts over land
|
| 34
|
Cujareño
|
1
|
no
degradation
|
* |
| 35
|
Emerillon
|
1
|
no
degradation
|
small-scale
gold-seeking
|
| 36
|
Enauenê-Nauê
|
1
|
no
degradation
|
road;
threat of a pioneer frontier in the north-west
|
| 37
|
Esse-Ejja
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
threat
of agricultural colonization ; extensive forestry
|
| 38
|
Gavião
(Parkatejê)
|
1
|
high
degradation
|
forestry;
rail track,
high voltage power lines; regular flooding due to dams ; permanent latent
conflicts over land
|
| 39
|
Guahibo
(Sikwani)
|
1,6
|
little
degradation
|
settled
extensive animal husbandry ; agricultural colonization in the west; permanent
latent conflicts over land
|
| 40
|
Guaja
|
1,2
|
average
degradation
|
agricultural
colonization; forestry; permanent latent conflicts over land
|
| 41
|
Guajajara
|
1,2,6
|
high
degradation sauf au nord
|
old
extensive animal husbandry; more recent agricultural colonization; permanent latent conflicts over land;
roads and rail tracks
|
| 42
|
Guarayo
|
2,6,1
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
animal husbandry; latent conflicts over land;
small-scale 'extrativism'
|
| 43
|
Guayabero
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
agricultural colonization
|
| 44
|
Harakmbet
|
1
|
average
degradation
|
gold-seeking;
extensive felling
|
| 45
|
Hoti
|
1
|
no
degradation
|
* |
| 46
|
Huambisa
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism' ;
extensive forestry
|
| 47
|
Ikito
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism';
extensive forestry
|
| 48
|
Ingano
|
1,4
|
average
degradation
|
agricultural
colonization;
latent conflicts over land
|
| 49
|
Isconahua
(Remo)
|
1,5
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism'
|
| 50
|
Itonama
|
1,6
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism'
|
| 51
|
Izoceño
|
2,6
|
average
degradation
|
agricultural
colonization
|
| 52
|
Jebero
|
1
|
average
degradation
|
agricultural
colonization
|
| 53
|
Juruna
|
1
|
average
degradation in the north;
no degradation in the south
|
pioneer
frontier; the whole area is threatened by flooding due to construction of
dam;
|
| 54
|
Kampa
|
1,4,6
|
average
degradation
|
in
the south : forestry; agricultural colonization; illegal front of coca
cultivation is advancing entailing violence
|
| 55
|
Kamsa
|
4
|
average
degradation
|
pockets
surrounded by the pioneer frontier
|
| 56
|
Kanamari
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
forestry
|
| 57
|
Kandoshi
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism'
|
| 58
|
Kanela
|
6,2
|
average
degradation
|
pockets
surrounded by agricultural colonization and old extensive animal husbandry;
latent conflicts over land
|
| 59
|
Kanishana
|
6,1
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism'; extensive forestry
|
| 60
|
Kapanahua
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
'extrativism';
extensive forestry
|
| 61
|
Karajá
|
2,6
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
forestry;
fishing for sport and trade
|
| 62
|
Karib
(Galibi, Kaliña)
|
1,3,
6,2
|
average
degradation
|
always
in pockets in areas inhabited by non-indigenous populations; Guyana : forestry; Suriname et Fr. Guiana : industrial rice cultivation; Venezuela : latent conflicts over
land ; oil 'extrativism'
|
| 63
|
Karijona
|
1,6
|
little
degradation
|
'extrativism'
|
| 64
|
Karipuna
(Pano)
|
1
|
average
degradation
|
gold-seeking;
forestry
|
| 65
|
Karipuna/ Galibi-Uaça |
1,3,6
|
no
degradation
|
* |
| 66
|
Karitiana
|
1
|
average
degradation
|
pioneer
frontier in the north
|
| 67
|
Kashibo/Kakataibo
|
1,4
|
little
degradation
|
'extrativism';
extensive forestry
|
| 68
|
Katukina
(Dyapa)
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
'extrativism';
extensive forestry;
oil prospection
|
| 69
|
Katukina
(Waninawa)
|
1,5
|
average
degradation
|
pioneer
frontier ;
agricultural colonization in the west
|
| 70
|
Kauixana
|
3
|
no
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism'
|
| 71
|
Kavineño
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
'extrativism';
extensive forestry
|
| 72
|
Kaxarari
|
1,6
|
average
degradation
|
quarries;
road and pioneer frontier in the south
|
| 73
|
Kaxinawa
|
1,5
|
little
degradation sauf en un point
|
road
and pioneer frontier; conflicts over land; 'extrativism'; threatening new road
projects
|
| 74
|
Kayabi/Apiaka
|
1,6
|
no
degradation in Xingu;
little degradation elsewhere
|
in
the south : threatening pioneer frontier;
in the north : gold-seeking
|
| 75
|
Southern
Kayapo
|
1
|
no
degradation
|
* |
| 76
|
Northern
Kayapo
|
1,6
|
no
degradation in the west and south;
average degradation in the east and north
|
pioneer
frontier moving up from the south
pioneer frontier ; forestry; gold-seeking; mining complex
|
| 77
|
Kayuvava
|
6,1
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism'
|
| 78
|
Kofan
|
1
|
average
degradation
|
pioneer
frontier moving forward; oil fields; industrial cultivation of palm oil
|
| 79
|
Kokama/Kambeba
|
1,3
|
average
degradation
|
Peru : extensive forestry; emigration illegal exploitation of local work-force for coca; commercial fishing; oil exploitation ;
Brazil : intensive commercial fishing; colonization of the shores of the Amazon
by non-indigenous people
|
| 80
|
Koreguaje
|
1
|
average
degradation
|
pioneer
frontier moving forward from the west
|
| 81
|
Kraho
|
6
|
average
degradation
|
surrounded
by animal breeding farms; roads
|
| 82
|
Krikati
|
2,6
|
average
degradation
|
roads;
extensive animal husbandry; mining prospection
|
| 83
|
Kulina
|
1,3,5
|
no
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism'
|
| 84
|
Kuripako
|
1,3,5
|
little
degradation
|
Brazil
: area under military control; Venezuela : agricultural colonization in
places;
Brazil and Columbia : diffuse gold-seeking
|
| 85
|
Lamistas
|
4,1
|
average
degradation
|
agricultural
colonization
|
| 86
|
Leko
|
1,4
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
agricultural colonization in some places
|
| 87
|
Machiguenga
|
1,4
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
agricultural colonization
|
| 88
|
Maku
|
1,5
|
peu
ou pas degradation
|
area
under military control; limited gold-seeking; 'extrativism'
|
| 89
|
Makurap
|
1,6
|
peu
ou moyen-nement degradation
|
pioneer
frontier ;
forestry
|
| 90
|
Makushi
|
6,1
|
average
degradation
|
area
under military control; several roads; gold-seeking; forestry ; pockets
surrounded by farms in an old extensive animal husbandry area;
permanent conflicts
|
| 91
|
Mapoyo
|
1,6
|
average
degradation
|
surrounded
by extensive animal husbandry; road; small-scale agricultural colonization;
bauxite mine
|
| 92
|
Marubo
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
forestry
|
| 93
|
Maxineri
|
1,5
|
little
degradation
|
'extrativism';
threatening pioneer frontier
|
| 94
|
Mayoruna/Matis
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
forestry
|
| 95
|
Moré
|
1,3
|
no
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism'
|
| 96
|
Morunahua/
Mastanahua
|
1
|
no
degradation
|
* |
| 97
|
Moseten
|
1,4
|
average
degradation
|
advancing
coca plantations;
agricultural colonization
|
| 98
|
Movima
|
6,1
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
animal husbandry
|
| 99
|
Moxo
|
6,1
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
animal husbandry;
latent conflicts over land
|
| 100
|
Munduruku
|
1,6
|
little
degradation
|
gold-seeking
by indigenous and non-indigenous people; 'extrativism'
|
| 101
|
Mura
|
3,1
|
little
degradation
|
scattered
colonization ;
commercial fishing
|
| 102
|
Mura-Pirahã
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
forestry
|
| 103
|
Nambikwara
|
1,6
|
average
degradation
|
extensive
animal husbandry; pioneer frontier with roads; permanent conflicts over land
|
| 104
|
Nomachiguenga
|
4,1
|
little
degradation
|
progression
of small-scale colonization in the west
|
| 105
|
Nukini
(Remo)
|
1,5
|
little
degradation
|
'extrativism';
threatening pioneer frontier in the east
|
| 106
|
Okaina
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
colonization
in some places; 'extrativism'
|
| 107
|
Orejone
|
1,3
|
average
degradation
|
forestry
|
| 108
|
Pakaa-Nova
|
1,6
|
no
degradation in the south;
average degradation in the north
|
*
pioneer frontier; forestry
|
| 109
|
Pakaguara
|
1,3
|
no
degradation
|
* |
| 110
|
Palikur
|
1,3,6
|
no
degradation in Brazil;
little degradation in Fr. Guiana
|
*
pockets surrounded by non-indigenous populations; small-scale agricultural
colonization
|
| 111
|
Panare
|
1,6
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
animal husbandry;
bauxite mine ; road
|
| 112
|
Parakanã
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
partly
flooded by dam; intermittent gold-seeking;
threatening pioneer frontier in the east;
|
| 113
|
Pareci/Irantxe/Myky
|
2,6,1
|
no
degradation on the Myky reserve;
high degradation elsewhere
|
*
extensive animal husbandry; road; sugar cane plantation and production of
alcohol;
|
| 114
|
Parintintin
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
commercial
fishing; extensive forestry; small-scale 'extrativism';
|
| 115
|
Parkenawa
|
1
|
no
degradation
|
* |
| 116
|
Patamona
(Kapon)
|
6,1
|
average
degradation
|
several
roads; gold-seeking; pockets in old areas of extensive animal husbandry
|
| 117
|
Paumari
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism';
commercial fishing
|
| 118
|
Paunaka
|
2
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
animal husbandry
|
| 119
|
Pauserna
|
1,2,6
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism'
|
| 120
|
Pemon
|
1,6,4
|
average
degradation
|
roads;
extensive animal husbandry;
gold and diamond mines
|
| 121
|
Piapoko
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
colonization
by non-indigenous people along the Orinoco; small-scale 'extrativism';
extensive forestry
|
| 122
|
Piaroa
|
1,6
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
colonization along the Orinoco; extensive forestry
|
| 123
|
Piro
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
forestry;
'extrativism'
|
| 124
|
Pisabo
|
1
|
no
degradation
|
* |
| 125
|
Poturuyar
|
1
|
no
degradation
|
* |
| 126
|
Poyanawa
|
1,5
|
little
degradation
|
'extrativism';
pioneer frontier progressing in the east
|
| 127
|
Puinave
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
gold-seeking;
extensive forestry
|
| 128
|
Pukobyé
|
1,2
|
average
degradation
|
extensive
animal husbandry ; roads; latent conflicts over land
|
| 129
|
Quechua
(Canelo, Quixo)
|
1,4
|
little
degradation in Peru; average degradation in the north for Ecuador;
little degradation elsewhere
|
extractivion;
extensive forestry;
palm oil cultivation;
petroleum exploitation
|
| 130
|
Reyesanos
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
'extrativism';
forestry
|
| 131
|
Rikbaktsa
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
road;
pioneer frontier progressing in the south-east; threatening extensive animal
husbandry
|
| 132
|
Saliba
|
6,1
|
little
degradation
|
pockets
surrounded by extensive animal husbandry
|
| 133
|
Sanema
|
1,6
|
no
degradation in Venezuela;
little degradation in Brazil
|
*
gold-seeking
|
| 134
|
Satere-Maue
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
oil
prospection ; 'extrativism';
commercial fishing
|
| 135
|
Shapra
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
forestry
|
| 136
|
Sharanawa/ Marinawa |
1
|
no
degradation
|
* |
| 137
|
Shavante
|
6,2
|
average
to little degradation
|
extensive
animal husbandry ; agricultural colonization; roads
|
| 138
|
Shawanawa
|
1,5
|
little
degradation
|
'extrativism'
|
| 139
|
Sherente
|
6
|
average
degradation
|
extensive
animal husbandry ; road
old agricultural colonization;
|
| 140
|
Shipaia-Kuruaya
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
old
'extrativism';
threatening dams
|
| 141
|
Shipibo
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
forestry; agricultural colonization in places; commercial fishing;
petroleum exploitation
|
| 142
|
Shuar
|
4,1
|
average
degradation
|
pioneer
frontier in the west; military colonies; industrial exploitation of oil palm
|
| 143
|
Siona/Sekoya
|
1,3
|
average
degradation in the north;
little degradation in the south
|
extensive
forestry; petroleum exploitation ;
emigration and illegal exploitation of local work-force for coca
|
| 144
|
Siriono
|
1,6
|
little
degradation
|
'extrativism';
extensive animal husbandry;
latent conflicts over land
|
| 145
|
Surui
|
1,2
|
high
degradation
|
surrounded
by settlers; permanent conflicts over land
|
| 146
|
Takana
|
1,6
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
forestry;
'extrativism'
|
| 147
|
Tanimuka
|
1,3
|
peu
ou pas degradation
|
'extrativism'
|
| 148
|
Tapirape
|
2,6
|
little
degradation
|
threatening
pioneer frontier in the north;
fishing for sport and for trade
|
| 149
|
Tembe
|
1
|
high
degradation on two reserves;
little degradation on the third
|
agricultural
colonization with invasion of the reserves and conflicts over land; extendive
animal husbandry; threatening pioneer frontier in the west; road
|
| 150
|
Tenharim
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
tin
mine ; Trans-Amazonica with a threatening pioneer frontier
|
| 151
|
Tikuna
|
3,1
|
average
degradation
|
intensive
animal husbandry; commercial fishing;
forestry; established non-indigenous population; Brazil : permanent conflicts
over land
|
| 152
|
Tiriyo/Akulio/
Kachuyana
|
1,6
|
no
degradation
|
gold-seeking
along the southern edge of the area
|
| 153
|
Tukano
|
1,3,5
|
little
degradation
|
area
under military control; major gold-seeking ; Northern Peripheral Road with a
threatening pioneer frontier
|
| 154
|
Tunebo
|
1,4
|
average
degradation
|
oil
fields; pioneer frontier
|
| 155
|
Txikão
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
pioneer
frontier progressing and extensive animal husbandry in the east ; traffick
controlled on the roads
|
| 156
|
Umutina
|
2,6
|
average
degradation
|
sugar
cane plantations and alcohol production ; road
|
| 157
|
Urarina
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
forestry
|
| 158
|
Urubu-Ka'apor
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
reserve
surrounded by forestry exploitations; threatening pioneer frontier in the east
and south-west
|
| 159
|
Urueuwauwau
|
1,6
|
little
degradation
|
forestry;
gold-seeking;
road; threatening pioneer frontier in the east
|
| 160
|
Waimiri-Atroari
|
1,3
|
average
degradation
|
tin
and cassiterite mines ; road;
eastern part of the reserve flooded by a dam
|
| 161
|
Waiwai
|
1,6
|
little
degradation
|
illegal
'extrativism'; gold-seeking;
bauxite mine ; applications for mining concessions ; threatening dam
|
| 162
|
Waorani
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
oil
prospection ;
threatening pioneer frontier in the west; conflicts over land
|
| 163
|
Wapishana
|
6,1
|
average
degradation
|
Brazil: area under military control; several roads ; forestry;
Brazil and Guyana : old extensive animal husbandry ; gold-seeking
|
| 164
|
Warao
|
3
|
little
degradation
except on the north-western fringe
|
rice
cultivation; animal husbandry;
commercial fishing
|
| 165
|
Warekena
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
agricultural colonization
|
| 166
|
Wayana/Apalai
|
1,6
|
no
degradation
|
gold-seeking
along the southern fringe
|
| 167
|
Wayãpi
|
1
|
no
degradation
|
gold-seeking
on the periphery; in the south, road with threatening pioneer frontier
|
| 168
|
Witoto
|
1,3,6
|
little
degradation
|
Peru
: forestry;
Columbia : threatening pioneer frontier ; enforced and illegal emigration
towards the coca fields
|
| 169
|
Xinguanos
|
1,6
|
little
degradation
|
pioneer
frontier and extensive animal husbandry moving forward in the east ;
traffick controlled along the roads
|
| 170
|
Yabarana
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
forestry
|
| 171
|
Yagua
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
forestry; 'extrativism'
|
| 172
|
Yamamadi
|
1,3
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
settled colonization; 'extrativism';
extensive forestry
|
| 173
|
Yaminawa
|
1,5
|
little
degradation
|
Brazil
: pioneer frontier moving forward entailing conflicts over land;
Peru : gold-seeking
|
| 174
|
Yanomami
|
1,4,6
|
no
degradation in Venezuela;
average degradation on the border and in Brazil
|
Brazil
: area under military control; massive invasion of illegal and uncontrolled gold-seekers;
animal husbandry in the east; permanent conflicts over land
|
| 175
|
Yaruro
|
6,1
|
average
degradation
|
settled
extensive animal husbandry; permanent latent conflicts over land
|
| 176
|
Yawanawa/ Kamanawa |
1
|
little
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism' ; forestry in its early stages
|
| 177
|
Yekwana
|
1,6,4
|
little
degradation au Venezuela;
average degradation au Brazil
|
Venezuela:
forestry along the western fringe;
Brazil : massive uncontrolled gold-rush
|
| 178
|
Yukuna
|
1,3,5
|
no
degradation
|
small-scale
'extrativism'
|
| 179
|
Yuqui
|
1,2
|
little
degradation
|
road;
threatening pioneer frontier
|
| 180
|
Yurakaré
|
1,6,2
|
little
degradation
|
coca
front in the south
|
| 181
|
Zaparo
|
1
|
little
degradation
|
extensive
forestry
|
| 182
|
Zuruaha
|
1,3
|
no
degradation
|
* |
Included in this category are all the projects for new roads, hydroelectric dams, applications for oil drilling, mining or oil concessions. Depending on how advanced they are, these projects are all major threats to the environment, including projects for new roads which, by definition, open the way for everything else.
Some projects have only been outlined and others are never actually implemented. Still others are abandonned along the way, leaving scars that do occasionally disappear. But so many of these projects have actually been carried out that they must be taken into account as a major danger for the environment.
Some the most threatening projects today : the new impulse that has been given to the work carried out on the Périmétrale Nord highway which plans to cover the distance between Macapá (Atlantic coast) and the Columbian border ; the Transacreana which is to run further south, parallel to the Transamazonian road, and connect Brazil with Peru ; finally, Brazil has major projects for new dams of which two at least out of 18, Belo Monte on the Xingu river and Cachoeira Porteira on the Trombetas, are about to be carried out and thus threaten the livelihood of 9 indigenous populations (RICARDO, 1991 ; As hidrelétricas do Xingu e os povos indígenas, 1988).
This category includes encroachments on the environment whose process could be reversed in the short or medium term, i.e. amended by adequate economic policies and environmental legislations.
This type of activity follows on from a much more intensive form of 'extrativism' which took place during the two preceding centuries. It was expressed in terms of massacres and slavery for indigenous populations and extreme misery for imported populations. In its present form, it is carried out by mestizos or detribalized communities that have often accumulated debts and have few means ; but it does produce some results (LESCURE et al., 1992). In the Brazilian Amazon, this economy affects mainly 20 plant products representing 712 885 million cruzeros in 1985 (Anuário Estatístico do Brasil, 1986). There is strong pressure on the native American Indians themselves to participate in this economy and they do not always oppose it. They may participate for example by collecting Brazil nuts (Bertholletia excelsa Humb. and Bonpl.), catching tropical fish for aquariums, or picking medicinal plants. The exploitation of hevea is now residual and carried out as much on wild as on cultivated trees.
Four countries only are concerned by activities of 'extrativism' (Brazil, Peru, Columbia, Bolivia). For the last 15 years it has become a complementary activity within an impoverished economy tending towards self-subsistence. In areas such as Acre, it is more and more often presented as a form of gentle exploitation of the Amazonian environment : the 'Alliance of Forest Peoples' itself was concluded in this region between the mestizos and the native American Indians, and zones reserved for extractive activities were set up. However, the balance of such a consensus is threatened by projects for massive colonization, deforestation for animal husbandry and the opening or tarmacking of road networks financed by the IBD (International Development Bank (AQUINO, 1991).
Small settlements along rivers need not have drastic effects on the environment. Mestizos live in much the same way as their Indian neighbours, at least as far as their technology is concerned, if not their ideology.
There are however two important limiting factors : settlers from a very different background (the Andes, the Caribbean coast or the south of Brazil) find it difficult to adapt to the new environment and this inability can lead to their squandering local natural resources ; their concentration in patches, clinging to survival, can be the starting point for new pionnering fronts, as in Ecuadorian Amazon (TORAL & CRESPO, 1989).
Extensive forest exploitation is only carried out in areas where the wood can be floated down the rivers, i.e. in western Amazonia. It can be considered only moderately threatening for the environment as long as the 'extrativism' of only those species that have been selected does not dramatically alter the landscape.
But it does contribute to depleting some plant species, particularly cedro (Cedrela odorata L.) and aguano (Swietenia macrophylla King). This type of activity is controlled by local entrepreneurs and requires major funds to start a business. Indigenous territories are true reserves for the much sought after species, hence the violent conflicts between loggers and native American Indians, a typical example being the Javari area in Brazil (Povos indígenas do Vale do Javari, 1986).
Commercial fishing with nets is quite a bit more destructive. It is carried out by whole fleets based in the big towns along the Amazon : Belem, Santarém, Manaus, Iquitos (51 740 t. in 1985 for three Brazilian states : Amazonas, Acre and Rondonia).
Indigenous populations have disappeared from along the Amazon and can only be found in the river's upper reaches. Large-scale fishing has been going on for a long time and the most coveted species have reduced in quantity and size. Professional fishermen therefore now go further and further upriver, along the tributaries of the white-water rivers, and this brings them to exploit indigenous territory (Madeira and Purus valleys in Brazil, Ucayali valley in Peru). At least one species, the pirarucu fish (Arapaima gigas Cuvier) is endangered (SAINT PAUL & BAYLEY, 1979).
Roads that are along the edge of territories occupied by native American Indians provide privileged access to these areas. Roads as such do not necessarily destroy the environment but they provide an ideal spring-board for further stages of colonization leading to the control of Amazonian land by outsiders.
Gold-seekers, for example, may travel along these roads ; whether diffuse or infringing slightly on the territory, small-scale gold-seeking is nothing more than a form of prospection, and any major discovery is immediately taken up by big companies. Opening a new road, a gold-rush and colonization are often the three successive stages leading to permanent settlements in areas that had until then only been occupied by native American Indians. An example of this is the south of the Department of Madre de Dios in Peru (CHIRIF, 1989).
The network of roads is still loose, ill-defined, often interrupted and in bad repair. However, in the south and the east of Greater Amazonia (Brazil) and in the north-west (Venezuelan and Columbian llanos), the network is increasingly dense. This is emphasized by the emergence of a parallel network to the official roads : a private network which is being developed all over the area (forest tracks for the transport of timber, cattle paths, etc). One can easily imagine that in some places these private initiatives must necessarily cut through indigenous territories illegally, territories that have sometimes already been well defined. It can also lead to brutal encounters with groups that have had no contact with the outside.
Quarries, if restricted, and diamond mines can also be said to be only moderately threatening for the environment.
There are relatively few diamond mines nowadays and only in two areas : Mount Roraima (Guyana, Venezuela, Brazil) and Mato Grosso (Brazil). But more and more quarries have been dug to provide for the needs of urban expansion and the construction of roads and dams. However, very few of them actually affect indigenous land.
Extensive animal husbandry is by definition constantly hungry for new land, but it is one of the lesser threats to the environment if restricted to the savannah land of the Amazonia.
But what with the fences imposing spatial divisions, the social structure it requires and the ideology it implies, there is a blatant contradiction between animal husbandry and the native American Indian way of life, as can be seen in the case of the Makushi and Wapishana in Roraima (Povos Indígenas no Brasil, 1991).
In several peripheral areas, these circumstances were established a long time ago with all the violence it entailed. But the conflicts that we observe today are not so much due to the further degradation of the system as to the fact that native American Indians are increasingly aware of being isolated and trapped into this situation. They are no longer submissive and are getting organized to claim their rights. This phenomenon can be observed in the cerrados of Maranhão and Goias and in the savannah of Roraine. The llanos of Venezuela and of Colombia.
Agricultural colonization is not simply an additional threat to the environment and its indigenous inhabitants, it actually alters the scale of the aggression. In most cases, it is the product of the policy of local states whose constant concern is to master the remaining unexplored areas.
The areas affected by agricultural colonization are indicated on map 4, `The various attacks on the Amazonian environment'. The map shows how this development is converging from the fringe areas towards the centre of Greater Amazonia, this being due to the fact that settlers come in from the more populous periphery, the Andes and north-east Brazil which, incidentally, are also consumer markets (LéNA & OLIVEIRA, 1991).
Colonization moves forward in patches or along a pioneer frontier starting at the roads. It is usually linked to agricultural development projects (such as the Grão Carajas or Polonoroeste in Brazil), often funded by the World Bank (GOODLAND, 1982 ; RIBEIRO, 1990) and implemented through a distribution of plots of land. Forest clearing is carried out on a massive scale. The techniques of land use aim at being intensive and therefore rapidly lead to sterility. This in turn implies a constant demand for new land which usually precedes new projects for colonization. The presence of a cheap and abundant workforce encourages the establishment of large-scale farming and forestry companies. They take over the land, buying it off settlers, or opening up new areas to extract wood, establishing ranches or developing oil palm plantations or sugar cane plantations to produce alcohol for engine combustion. Development therefore starts with a pioneering phase of cash crops on a small scale which turns into unbridled capitalism, but, either way, indigenous populations are a nuisance. The extension of coca cultivation is a more complex phenomenon, associating profit and illegality to the native American Indians' know-how, traffickers usually attempting to implicate whole communities.
The amount of pressure on the environment and its inhabitants is yet stronger when one includes the oil fields or hydroelectric dams.
But here again, opposing big companies to small individual miners makes little sense. All the more so as the latter are manipulated by powerful political and financial lobbies (RICARDO & ROCHA, 1990). The most critical degradations of the environment, the most significant impacts on traditional indigenous way of life and the lethal epidemics are usually a consequence of the presence of thousands of labourers working for their own account or for a small-scale entrepreneur. This was the case for the Yanomami, for example, between 1986 and 1991 (Povos Indígenas no Brasil, 1991). The environmentally-conscious image put forward by big companies, their aid programmes in help of indigenous societies and their various foundations for the protection of the Amazonian forest and its inhabitants, do not actually give an accurate picture of the role they play in this part of the world. In Brazil in particular, it is they who have been holding up for the last 20 years the process of demarcating indigenous land.
As for the impact of hydroelectric dams, one need only look at examples of dams that have been completed, such as the Tucurui and Balbina, and which encroach on indigenous land : the usual consequences are floods, pollution, whole villages forced to move. This was the case for the Gavaião, Parakanã and Waimiri-Atroari (SANTOS & NACKE, 1990).
The picture one is left with thus seems to be one in which the land of native American Indians is what remains as preserved patches, the surrounding primeval environment having been eroded, ripped open, degraded, divided. These isolated areas are in turn threatened by destruction (BALéE, 1990).
There are many applications for prospection on indigenous land that has already been demarcated but not as yet ratified. For Brazil only, the report by the CEDI/CONAGE quotes for 1988 560 prospection permits and 1685 applications for prospection on indigenous land.
This gloomy presentation brightens up somewhat when one looks at the final results put together in diagram 5 : as far as the degradation of the environment is concerned, the process could be reversed.

[15] Source : Projeto Radambrasil, vol. 8 : 322 ,325 and 326, Rio de Janeiro, 1974.
16 Sources : Recherches amérindiennes au Québec, vol. XX/2, 1990. Populações humanas e desenvolvimento amazônico, Belém, 1989. Cahier des Sciences Humaines, ORSTOM, vol. 22/3-4, 1986. National Geographic Magazine, August 1992.