Notes

1. One may thus distinguish several scales of rank in a community. In the case of the village, there is a scale for piety and religious learning, a scale for moral reliability and helpfulness, a scale for wealth, a scale for occupation, and a scale for age and standing in ones own family (Stirling, 1953).

2. village inheritance rules have in the recent past not been Islamic, but have been simple and flexible. Usually, land is divided between brothers, but sometimes between brothers and sisters. Where landholding lines died out, the land would normally revert to brothers, or, in some cases, appears to have been taken over after a period by anyone needing it and having the manpower and ox-power to work it (Stirling, 1957).

3. However, although skilled rates of pay produce good incomes by village standards, and although the village is now economically dependent on outside income, skilled migrant labour is neither liked by those who do it, nor admired by those who do

4. The aims of those who introduced the new code were reformist. They wished to abolish polygamy, unilateral divorce, and marriage payments, and to establish something much nearer equality of rights between man and wife. So profound a change means changing not simply marriage laws but the whole moral attitude to the problems of sex and family, that is, the basis of the social system. No such complete change has taken place in the villages of Turkey, though to a large extent it is well advanced among the educated urban classes. But the new law has left the village informal system totally unsupported, with no means of plugging the gaps at its weak points. Hence the system which the new laws were intended to abolish continues, but in a less orderly form (Stirling, 1957).

5. Ploughing takes place, either in the autumn after the rains have begun, and before the frost and snow, or after the thaw and before the end of the cool, wet spring weather. Both periods are apt to be very short, especially the spring period. (Stirling, 1957)

6. Land is not by any means all of the same value, and valuable land is never a free good....thus young households do not in fact start equal....Every village must have contained some men who did not own any oxen, and who could thus work no land....They formed the lowest rung of village society, and supplied the watchmen and herdsmen, extra labour at the harvest, and - but this looks forward to my fourth point - extra workers for more successful neighbours....Many villagers own sheep, and a few own considerable flocks. But in this area it is impossible for sheep to survive the winter without shelter and fodder. The size of the flock is therefore limited by the amount of straw available for winter feed, and is thus directly related to the annual crop, and thus to the size of the household labour force....A man with a large household can employ labourers from among those without oxen, or from destitute strangers. Some labourers lived entirely in their masters household as servants; others were hired on a short term or even day to day basis. Hired labour enables the employer to increase his holdings of land beyond the capacity of his own sons, and increased holdings allow him to feed more retainers, and to establish direct political control over his co-villagers. He will be in a position to establish direct social relations with townsmen and officials, to market grain, and to mediate between government and less successful co-villagers. Eventually he may extend his influence to other villages than his own. (Stirling, 1963)

7. 20 donum (very roughly 40 decares, 10 acres) (Stirling, 1963)

8. Since the Second World War, partly due to the extension of price stabilisation through the government Office of Soil Products, and partly due to a number of more direct measures, cash cropping has received a tremendous stimulus, reflected in a jump in the land under grain, between 1944 and 1956, from 7,000 hectares to 11,600 hectares.(10)....Tractor ploughing is now possible (1963), making feasible holdings larger than the traditional ones, and once legal rights are established they can be defended by the legitimate force of the central government, not merely by ones close agnates' gun power....Land can be farmed for a cash profit based on a guaranteed price for the crops. Obviously, it is no longer allowed to sit about unclaimed.

9. The cycle of domestic growth and fission in these villages apparently inhibited the establishment of hereditary leadership or dominant lineages, by making it impossible for one son of a leading man to inherit control of all the resources on which his father's position was based. It is possible to argue that a later or earlier division of the household might not have these effects.

10. The relation between the domestic cycle and the distribution of power is not of course simply causal. If the domestic cycle appears to prevent the direct inheritance of political power, it is equally arguable that the absence of hereditary political power is a necessary condition of the development of this form of the domestic cycle. They are part of a single system.

11. In 1950 Sakaltutan was still completely a village, no one had more than three years of the most elementary education. Some of the old men could read the old script and some of the young could read the new latin script. Many people had travelled but at heart they were still villagers whose main interests lay in the village (Stirling, 1965 p).

12. Women carry out all domestic tasks, manure fields near the village, prepare fuel, and submit to the will of their men, at least outwardly. The women of a large household may in extreme cases be a heterogeneous collection of imported wives. In theory, their very presence is at their husbands pleasure, and they have no formal security of tenure. Yet in another sense they are the indispensable fabric of the household, indeed they are the household. (Stirling, 1965 p117).

13. The single most important set of relationships outside the domestic group, and a very high proportion of activity is kinship activity. Yet with some minor exceptions, and one major one, which I shall discuss below, different kinship roles do not carry specific and distinct rights and duties, but rather a general duty of affection, help and support." (Stirling, 1965 p148).

14. A boy is normally married between the ages of sixteen and twenty-two or so, though there are always exceptions. I knew no confirmed bachelors. Girls are normally married at about fourteen to eighteen years of age. (Stirling, 1965 p179)

15. The amount asked for a girl varies greatly from marriage to marriage and from village to village, and since I949 it has been rising steadily. This rise is largely due to inflation, but the evidence I have suggests that the rise is steeper than the general rise in prices. The rise in real incomes has enabled the villagers to spend more on weddings, trousseau and bride price. In 1949-50 in Sakaltutan the normal amount for a respectable family to pay for a bride was about T.L.500. In one case, where a girl was sent an exceptionally long way to a more prosperous area, the price was T.L.750. (Stirling, 1965 p185)

16. No formal rules restrict the choice of marriage partners, save only the limited incest rules of Islam. These bar to a man only his lineal descendants and ascendants, his parents' sisters, his own sisters, his siblings' daughters and grand-daughters, his father's wives and widows, their stepdaughters, his wife's mother and sons wife, and his current wife's sisters. The breastfeeding of an infant by a foster mother - not uncommon in village society, which knows no bottle-feeding - forms a link equal to a biological one for the reckoning of incest. No endogamous or exogamous groups exist.....Firstly parents choosing a bride for their son look for honour and efficiency. At least in theory, honour is by far the most important. Any obvious interest in the opposite sex, let alone contact with a boy or man, sullies a girls reputation.....Secondly, she should be healthy and hardworking.....Thirdly she should be skilful.....Fourthly she should be good-tempered and submissive.....That is, she should be likely to contribute economically, and unlikely to cause trouble. Explicitly at least, sex appeal and beauty are not considered important.(Stirling, 1965 p189)

17. Marriage is not explicitly linked to any notions of relative social rank. A man owes his wife's parents personal respect because they have, by consenting to give him their daughter, done him a very great favour. (Stirling, 1965 p209)

18. In June 1971 I was able to visit these villages, only for a few days each; but because of my warm reception, I was able to record, observe and to infer very considerable and striking changes.These changes are not in themselves surprising; they are like the changes described in peasant societies from all parts of the world. Yet I personally found them striking, because of the impact of these differences on villages and people I once knew well. I have read about and seen social change in peasant societies. Yet I was surprised; which reinforces my conviction that there is a profound discontinuity between words in sociological books and what people actually do.(Stirling, 1974)

19. Much of the language which sociologists use--and I include social anthropologists--is bedevilled by emptiness and imprecision, and not infrequently by a mystification which suggests religious cult rather than scientific analysis; while the attempt to convey the facts in more descriptive and common sense language, even given the necessary degree of literary skill, is hardly less selective and misleading, and perhaps more so. If the task of discussing social change in one village is so difficult, small wonder that sociology and social anthropology are baffling and confusing disciplines.(Stirling, 1974)

20. a large amount of what people in any society regard themselves as knowing would not be regarded as true by me, nor by most of my readers, nor by at least some people in their own society.(Stirling, 1974)

21. If peoples knowledge expands greatly, then there are likely to be changes in the notions of what to aim for, what is desirable, what is right and good, what is tolerable, what is acceptable and what is unacceptable.(Stirling, 1974)

22. Permanent migration to towns is perhaps the single most important result and the single most important cause in the chains of change in a village. It certainly is one of the most dramatic both for the nation,--for the growth of cities,--and for the individual, --his emotions,'cognitive structure' and identity. It deserves some discussion.(Stirling, 1974)

23. Nationally (Stirling, 1988)

1. Turkey had grown fast - from 1923 to 1983 the population had multiplied by 4 from 12.5 million to 50 million.

2. The GNP (government stats) had multiplied by 20 and the GNP per capita by 5 to approx. $1000[34]

3. In approximately the same period, the percentage both of people working outside agriculture and that of people living in towns rose from around or under 20% to around 50%.

4. There has been a vast internal migration, a migration which has supplied the manpower necessary for economic growth.

5. In the 1960s, Turks began migrating to Germany and to other countries in West Europe first, by formal arrangements agreed between governments[35].

6. There was a waiting list of 2 million waiting for the chance to migrate in 1975. Many found their own way around the bureaucracy and remittances flowed back into a special bank set up by the Turkish government for regional development.

7. By 1973 the oil crisis changed the situation and from the mid 1970's the migrants turned to Saudi Arabia.

8. The demand for labour and the rates of pay declined in 1983 with the fall of oil prices.

Sakaltutan (Stirling, 1988)

9. Probably till the late 1920's - Sakaltutan produced enough from its own poor land; and its animals to ensure its own survival without income from outside.

10. The village always had spare labour capacity outside the relatively short spring ploughing season, and the harvest (Stirling 1965).

11. In the 1930's very few people had ever looked outside of the village.

12. Around 1938-40 the village produces the first skilled construction workers who start to recruit younger apprentices.

13. In 1950 a skilled plaster earned approx. 3 times that of an unskilled laborer and the village land could no longer feed all the mouths living on it.

14. Most successful village migrant workers come from the better off families. They had the resources to exploit their surplus labour through networks.

15. Up to 1973 about sixty men went to Europe and 30 took their families for some time.

16. In 1975 the first men left for Saudi Arabia

17. By 1980 there were approx 100 and by 1986 the number had risen to about 150.

18. Income from agriculture rose after 1960 with the introduction of new seeds, technologies and fertilizers which increased yields by approx 50%.

19. By 1971 there were two tractors in the village. Government credit was generous.

20. By 1986 there were 26 tractors the capital having come from migrant worker remittances.

21. The last Oxen used for ploughing were sold in 1984, more people were keeping cows for milk.

24. On social reality, models, systems and change: We agree that social anthropology is about modeling social and cultural reality. Social and cultural reality may not be very clear, but what is clear is that even the critics of 'reality' fail to avoid assuming it, overtly or covertly. Models are commonly stark and simple. But social reality is devastatingly complex. So even the best complex models are vulnerable, and stark models fail more obviously. A very large number of articles and books are devoted to arguing that someone else's model is too simple. But because stark models are easy to think with and relatively undemanding, they proliferate everywhere, defying repeated and irrefutable refutations. They are effective, not only practically, rhetorically and politically, but often intellectually, especially when they are unexpected. (Stirling, Áncirlio(c)lu, 1994)

25. We report some ethnographic models of our own, based on our fieldwork. How far do these models fare better than grand stark models? People must ask how far what we write fits their own data and experiences; how far they conclude that we have misrepresented our own; and whether the points we make matter much anyway. One more generality. Modeling societies implies modeling systems. That is, what some people are doing within one context always affects and is affected by what they or some others are doing in other contexts. (This is certainly not to say that everything affects and is affected by everything, nor that the 'systems' have boundaries). For example, all legislation, all attempts to govern, all organisations rest on the assumption that by doing certain things it is possible to get people to do what you want them to do. That is, we all work on a set of causal models, implicit or explicit, all the time. We hold that 'good' models, whether those of 'common sense' or of professional managers or social scientists, include a large number of feedbacks. An obvious idea, but frequently ignored. It is not simply that A affects B, but that the fact that A affects B in turn affects C, D, E.....; and even more, that the fact that A affects B, affects the way that C, D, E,..... Affect each other. Very often the chain gets back to A or B or both. Once again, simple models of social systems are likely to be misleading; that is, bluntly, wrong -- slightly or seriously.(Stirling, Áncirlio(c)lu, 1994)

26. In Turkish Village, not on theoretical grounds but simply as a result of talking to villagers about marriage, Stirling described an alternative model, quite explicit but not generalised. The problem of marrying one's children was not seen by his informants as one of acquiring allies or of retaining or extending property, as if parents have a range of choices and sit down to calculate the potentially most advantageous move. The problem is what to do; where and how to find a partner for a growing child who will soon be of marriageable age. It is truer to say that people use the power and property, the network, which they happen to have in order to marry their children well, rather than using marriage as a means to power and property. At one extreme, then, the ambitious father (as in comic opera) marries his child to a member of a rich and powerful household, regardless of personal happiness. At the other, upright loving parents seek a good loving partner for their child, regardless of politics and wealth. But the two models are, of course, not starkly incompatible. Parents may, secretly or less secretly, be looking to the interest of their own household, and the material advantages of their child, and at the same time to his or her personal happiness and comfort. In some cases these aims may not conflict. But certainly, Stirling's informants explicitly and repeatedly denied (1965: 191) that they made their choices with alliances and future inheritance in mind. Perhaps they were not totally disingenuous? They used two responses. Over and over again, Stirling was told that it was God who decided;'Allahin emri'. At the time, Stirling assumed this was a pious way of avoiding questions. But on reflection, this reply is perhaps consistent with the huge uncertainty hanging over the choice of a spouse, and with the intense anxieties that most parents experience in coping with their duty to decide. When he pressed, people often said explicitly that to be looking for future benefits of inheritance was absurd in this world of uncertainty. Who knows who will inherit what? (Stirling, Áncirlio(c)lu, 1994)

27. One third of the women interviewed had married kin, and a quarter of them a first cousin, among whom patrilineal first cousins were the most common (29.2%).?(Stirling, Áncirlio(c)lu, 1994)

28. Roughly one in six women living in cities had married kin, one in three of women living in villages had done so. In a more recent research on family structure in Turkey, conducted in 27 provinces by the State Planning Organisation, over 21 per cent of'rural', and almost 14 per cent of'urban' household heads reported that their spouses were first cousins (Atalay et al. 1992:106).?(Stirling, Áncirlio(c)lu, 1994)

29. S and E, in 1950-51, fitted this pattern. Then, in roughly over 60 per cent of past and present marriages, on which Stirling had information, the spouses had some recognised link of kinship or affinity, 25 per cent of them were first cousins (Stirling 1965: 202-4, Tables 7 and 8). Data on first cousin marriages from S, based on field work in 1971 and 1986, show a significant rise from 24 per cent in 1951 to 1960 to 29 per cent in 1980 to 1986.?(Stirling, Áncirlio(c)lu, 1994)

30. The idea that it is dangerous, even disgraceful to marry a stranger is declining fast, both with parents and with the unmarried young. And in any case, those who have lived in the same place for twenty or more years now know their neighbours better than they know their own villages.?(Stirling, Áncirlio(c)lu, 1994)

31. So long as people are living in the village, deriving most of their income from farming, and working mainly in or for household teams, good social relations within the village are economically advantageous. Farming is risky, and their modest incomes, primarily in kind, are precarious. So when they talk about the dangers of a marriage between cousins going wrong and upsetting wider social relations, the risk is a real and potentially serious one. Once households have migrated, their incomes are rarely directly dependent on their close kin, and the dangers of siblings falling into dispute because their children's marriage has gone wrong, are much less. In the village, social interactions are often daily, and the sharing of workloads and equipment vital. In the city, except for a few successful small businesses, close relations of this kind are rare, and the strain is more manageable. So the advantages of cousin marriage remain; the risks are less. (Stirling, 1994)

32. The Principia Cybernetica Project (PCP) is a collaborative, computer-supported attempt to develop a complete cybernetic and evolutionary philosophy. Such a philosophical system should arise from a transdisciplinary unification and foundation of the domain of Systems Theory and Cybernetics. Similar to the metamathematical character of Whitehead and Russell's "Principia Mathematica. PCP is metacybernetical: cybernetic tools and methods are used to analyze and develop cybernetic theory. (PCP, 1998)

33. Cybernetics and Systems Science (also: "(General) Systems Theory" or "Systems Research") constitute a somewhat fuzzily defined academic domain, that touches virtually all traditional disciplines, from mathematics, technology and biology to philosophy and the social sciences. It is more specifically related to the recently developing "sciences of complexity", including AI, neural networks, dynamical systems, chaos, and complex adaptive systems (PCP, 1998)

34. The recent fall in the death rate and improvement in health conditions has led to a rapid increase in population but so far this has the effect of increasing the proportion of younger simple households. If the death rate continues to fall, and the household structure does not change, the proportion of full joint households in the villages will eventually increase. Nevertheless, it is clear that in any community in which married sons remain with their fathers, but separate on their fathers' death, simple households are likely to be numerically preponderant, even though the joint household is the ideal. (Stirling, 1963)

35. In all the villages of this area, a two-year fallow system operates. One-half of the village land is sown one year, and the other left fallow and used for pasture (de Planhol (1958) pp. 3I7 ff.). The village herds and flocks are transferred from one side to the other after the harvest, to glean the harvested fields and eat the stubble. Soon after the completion of the harvest, autumn ploughing and sowing on the fallow land begins; the fields from which the crops have been reaped become fallow for the next year. This system prevents any individual from planting the same fields in successive years, except for a few walled fields immediately adjoining the village, where manuring and special crops make it agriculturally advantageous, and the animals can easily be keptoff.(Stirling, 1965)

36. If the death-rate among the senior generation had been abnormally high, the village, like the rest of Turkey, is now experiencing a population explosion- a sharp drop in the deathrate, especially among children, with no fall in the birth-rate. Thus at the moment, the villages have young people recently arrived at.the age of marriage in numbers which are out of proportion to the supply of senior men. This means that the proportion of simple households is higher than it would have been had the death-rate remained constant. (Stirling, 1965 p40)

37. I have argued that in three main areas of explicit values, marriage, child-rearing and religion, there is so far no admission of change, and plenty of evidence that change is resisted. In one sense, the society is in concrete terms still the same society. The villagers in each village are the same people (or their children and grandchildren) with a recognisably stable system of social relationships and of social values and assumptions. The fact that this ostensibly contradicts the rest of what I have been saying,--that social relationships, knowledge, information and skills, values and important general characteristics of the society,--this time 'society' as an abstract concept,--are changing radically at an accelerating speed--illustrates my initial point; that to convey the situation even as I understand it is extremely difficult. So the village is the same village, yet it is also undergoing rapid irreversible and fundamental changes.(Stirling, 1974)

38. Children in play can be said in some respects to be simulating adult life.(If a 'game' is defined as being a way of learning about something without suffering the real consequences of making a mistake, then simulation is a game we play to rehearse possible outcomes.(Poundstone, W. 1992) We are all then, always simulating our lives in our heads and the only time we are not is in the eternal thoughtless present. In education more formal simulations can be a way of introducing very complex problems in simplified form in order to teach some basics of what we think we know (Maxis, 1996)[36]

39. In Turkish Village (1965) he coined the terms 'permanent migrant' & 'pendular migrant'. He was never very happy with them but they convey what he was getting at. A permanent migrant is someone who leaves the village either as an individual or with the whole household permanently. They may or may not maintain links with the village. A pendular migrant is someone whose family remains in the village or who periodically returns to the village to live. It is the pendular migrants who are described by an informant in the first & second of Stirling's 1982 Filmic trilogy as 'keeping the village on its feet'. Until 1973 when the German - Turkish bilateral employment agreement still held, many villages worked in places like Porzheim. The biggest employer however and source of much of Turkeys foreign cash remittances was, at least after the oil crisis, Saudi Arabia.

40. Some causal chains: To follow exhaustively through the causal model box by box and connection by connection would take me beyond the data available and the scale of this occasion. Some of the suggested connections--all open to the high sounding label of 'hypotheses' - are left to the diagram. Instead I comment at varying length on some of the boxes and on some of their causes and consequences. But before doing so I draw attention simply as illustrations to three out of many causal chains which could be extracted from the diagram.(Stirling, 1974)

41. Causal Chain 1: The falling death rate causes increases in the number of mouths to feed, in people to share land resources and in people available for work. Thus population increase has been one major factor in stimulating labour migration, and its net effect is not therefore a fall but a rise in village income, a rise in standards of living including nutrition; the new income also makes possible a sharp increase in the use of medicines and medical services. Thus the falling death rate stimulates factors which further reduce the death rate.(Stirling, 1974)

42. Causal Chain 2: This model simply shows that, given other factors, once sporadic pendular migration has begun, it causes a rise in village expectations, which in turn causes migration to become a normal and regular part of village life.(Stirling, 1974)

43. Causal Chain 3: Permanent migration to towns is perhaps the single most important result and the single most important cause in the chains of change in a village. It certainly is one of the most dramatic both for the nation,--for the growth of cities,--and for the individual, --his emotions, 'cognitive structure' and identity. It deserves some discussion.(Stirling, 1974)

44. In Sakaltutan, many households were making, or had recently made, small walled gardens for themselves, usually a patch of land near the village, in which they grew vines, fruit trees and vegetables. These were said to be at most ten years old, but in spite of doubts about the long-term success of these in so severe a climate, more and more people were following suit. Another recent innovation was the planting of potatoes and onions for the Kayseri market. Ground peas (nohut), lentils, fodder crops and even a little irrigated alfalfa immediately below the meadow were also grown. Elbashï had fewer and even more recent gardens. It had the advantage of irrigated land, but most of this seems to be used either for alfalfa, for water meadows or for growing rather more successful cereals. In both villages, almost all households aimed to produce a surplus of cereals for sale, and after the harvest the village hummed with activity as everyone jostled to get his own grain sacks on the lorries before his neighbours. (Stirling, 1965 p45)

45. K Lineage, Eight Households. All great-grandchildren of one man, divided into a group of three and a group of five. Close ties were recognised; they shared a common guest room, and were-close neighbours. One other household head, an orphaned son, brought up in his mother's father's household, was sister's son to one of the households, but kept himself apart. Though socially close to each other, this lineage did not, while I was in the village, have any enemies. M Lineage, Four Households. This, another immigrant lineage, was by contrast militant. All were descended from the grandfather of the senior living member, an old man. The lineage contained two large and prosperous households, and was at feud with V Lineage. Two other groups in the village acknowledge some common agnatic ancestry, but showed no sign of mutual interest. R Lineage , Nine Households. Three separate groups of households, whose heads in each case were close agnates, one of four, one of three and one of two households, all gave one particular name four or five generations back in their genealogies. They took no special interest in each other at all. P Lineage, Ten Households. One group of three households and another of five claimed a common link, and two other men, brothers, were said also to spring from the same agnatic origin. They none of them showed interest in each other, beyond their own immediate agnates. (http://lucy.ukc.ac.uk/TVillage/Pages/Page_164.html) (Stirling, 1965 p164)

46. Note#:10b Page#:18 Date:22-24. 8. 49. Place:Sakaltutan Note Text Sakaltutan 22nd - 24th Aug. '49. Mudur at harman talks of threshing machines and what a saving they would mean inlabour, no notion of any harm that might follow therefrom. Villagers several times asked about machines in England.

47. However, although skilled rates of pay produce good incomes by village standards, and although the village is now economically dependent on outside income, skilled migrant labour is neither liked by those who do it, nor admired by those who donot Within the village it is ownership of land which counts, and agricultural income which matters. Money, they say, is soon spent, and who knows if work will always be available? But land is an assurance of food, come what may. The trappings of sophistication - suits, watches and fountain pens - have some appeal, but a scruffy old man who has land and works it well carries much more weight in the village than an elegant young usta. Young men enjoy the liberties of the city and the feel of cash in their pockets, but the older men almost unanimously declare that they would far rather stay at home with their families and farm their land if only they had enough of it to be worth farming. (Stirling, 1965, p69).

48. Until the mid-16th century the sultans had controlled and used both the old Turkish aristocracy and the devshirme Christian converts and their descendants by carefully balancing and playing them off against each other. During Suleiman's reign, however, the devshirme achieved control, drove the Turkish aristocracy out of the ruling class, and then began to exploit the state for their own advantage. At the same time, the empire began to suffer from overpopulation, resulting from the peace and security that had been established. A high birth rate eventually resulted in both urban and rural unemployment, due to the limited availability of land and to highly restrictive economic policies enforced by the urban guilds. Without jobs, the oppressed masses formed robber bands that infested town and country alike. With incompetent, dishonest, and inefficient government by the ruling class, lands fell out of cultivation, the empire suffered from endemic famine and disease, and entire districtsùsometimes entire provincesùfell under the control of provincial notables. The subject class suffered a good deal but was protected from the worst effects of the anarchy by the millets and guilds, which formed a substratum of society, taking over the functions of government when needed. At the same time, Europe was developing nation-states that were far more powerful than those that had faced the Ottoman Empire In earlier centuries. (John Kolars: University of Michigan, Traditon Season and Change in a Turkish Village; Stanford J. Shaw: Prof. Turkish History UCL Los Angeles History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey.)