2. Fieldwork
My field research was conducted from July 1995 to January 1997. While
preparing for fieldwork, I was encouraged by a friend to visit the Tokushima
prefecture at the periphery of the great industrial expansion of the Inland Sea
(Osaka to Kagawa). According to my informant, it was a ‘rural’ place
where I could pursue most of my interest in gifts and wrapping. My plan was to
travel around the prefecture for few weeks and find a village of less than 4,000
inhabitants in which to carry out fieldwork. The search for a location proved
difficult. In the first two weeks I was turned down by all the towns and
villages in the prefecture I visited. I only arrived in Kamikatsu by letting
other people ‘wrap’ me into their groups and associations. The
Tokushima International Association wrote me letters of introduction and
directed me towards the southern areas of the prefecture where Kamikatsu
lies.
Kamikatsu
Figure A. Map of Southern Japan.
Tokushima Prefecture in blue with Tokushima capital and Kamikatsu town.
Figure B. Kamikatsu’s physical size and
location in (white) in Tokushima Prefecture (blue) at 48 Km from Tokushima
Capital.
On my first visit to Kamikatsu, I met Hiraoka San at the yakuba or
town’s office. He read my letters and kindly drove me to Fukuhara village
to the onsen (hot-spring resort) where he introduced me to Mr. Abe, also
from the town’s office. After offering me tea and biscuits they discussed
who could offer me a homestay (a short residence in a home). I was treated to a
meal, offered a bath, and given some omiyage (souvenirs). In the meantime
Mr. Abe mediated my requests with Mr. Mima, the head of the onsen. I left
the town with a month’s homestay at Mr. Mima’s annexed house, after
which I had no guarantee of remaining in town.
On the last day of my homestay with Mima’s family I met Diana, an
artist from New Zealand married to a Japanese man, who introduced me to their
acquaintances, the Watanabe family in Yokomine district. The Watanabe family
took me in with ease. They had lived in Nepal for several years, and their
experience enabled them to understand the nature and needs of my research. As we
talked in the porch of their house, we discovered that Gufodh, my host, and
Professor Hiroshi, who had offered me the research affiliation, had both lived
in the same house in Nepal in the same year, knew of each other but had never
met. The coincidence amazed us. It was hard to believe that of all places and of
all the people I could have met in Japan, I met them. En, as they call
the chances of destiny, marked our relation. I moved into their house few days
later. Our arrangement was informal; they offered me a room free of charge in
their annexed house, on top of the room where Gufodh San made his pottery. They
only charged me for board, which was minimal. I shared their vegetarian diet and
organic homegrown products. Their initial three month period become a full year,
in gentle transition from stranger to resident in their home. I mostly helped in
domestic arrangements. I taught Spanish to Junco, their 10-year-old daughter, as
she was home taught. I spent many hours in their kitchen learning about
recycling, gardening, and organic agriculture. Their life-style put them in a
marginal position in the town, which I shared to some extent during my time with
them.
The research process was less eclectic after I settled in Yokomine. I spent
my first two months visiting the five villages that compose the town in order to
understand the internal composition of the villages. I realised that the
villagers no longer organised their daily activities solely around their
districts or villages except for festivals in the autumn. Nearly everybody
depended to some extent on the town’s municipal administrative
services. It was the town that was of paramount importance in
centralising and organising everyday life for the villages. I decided that it
was essential to understand the town and the internal division of villages
simultaneously rather than as units apart, or as units within. I concentrated on
getting maps and tracing out the distinct areas, keeping the unity of the town
as a general administrative framework (see Figure D).
The bulk of my research on gift and wrapping took place at the town’s
more than 54 festivals. They are the largest occasions for public wrapping and
gift exchange. Additionally, I participated in private gift giving through my
main informants. I carried out most of my research in Kamikatsu except for short
visits to the neighbouring towns of Sanaguchi and Katsuura, their libraries, the
prefecture library of Bunkanomori and the capital Tokushima. On two
occasions, I made short visits to the University of Tokyo to consult its
libraries. The study of gift giving put me at the centre of what Harrison has
described as ‘an intense familiarity with a wide cross-community of
people’ (Harrison 1993: 6). The system of gift-exchange practised in
Kamikatsu and other parts of the region made me the recipient of multitude
donations, from the gift of two cars, to clothes, a video camera, stationery,
money and food. I kept a formal record of all prestations that I received and I
witnessed. I photographed all of them and their wrappings. I videotaped with
permission over 160 hours of ceremonial activities,
Figure C. Map of Kamikatsu and its five villages. Location of main sites
of fieldwork: Shrines, temples, administrative buildings, informants, close
informants, and my neighbourhood.
Figure D. Actual Map of
Kamikatsu. It is a 3A page, doubled in two A4 parts
meetings, festivals, and
the gift exchange in these contexts. As to my relationship with the villagers of
the five villages, I tried to balance my participation in each of them. Most of
the quantitative data that appear in these pages refer to samples taken from
each district and village. The group of people that I came to know best were a
number of fifteen houses dispersed over the five villages, of different economic
and social status and neighbours (see Figure C). I had informants both in the
central areas of the local administration and at the periphery, although I came
to be mostly associated with those at the ‘margin’ (not
geographical, but social) of the town. Geographically I was placed in a very
advantageous position. I lived at a close distance to one of the main crossroads
in the town (see figure D). Each family in their knowledge of gifts and their
positions of centrality and periphery plays a prominent role in the
thesis.